As I mentioned in the Learning Indonesian blog, it has been a long time since I last studied Indonesian and added to this website!
I only logged properly into Blogger last month to have a look and to start a new blog. Lots of things have changed in Indonesia.
1) Indonesia's New President
They have a new President who is considered moderate. His name is Joko Widodo and is known as Jokowi amongst the people. My friend at the Indonesian Consulate here in Perth is a fan of President Widodo as he had a struggling start, had a successful business, and is considered someone who will clean up Indonesia's politics. However, I notice on Wikipedia that although he was successful in business it's funny that it was closed due to fraud...
Who knows, maybe he's just considered less fraudulent than the other Presidential competitors out there or he completely turned a new leaf?
2) Schapelle Corby
Good ol' Aussie drug criminal Schapelle Corby... I'm not sure why Australians really care about her any more. She was granted a prison sentence reduction of 5 years in 2012 and was released on parole last year after 9 years in prison. She was released into the lap of luxury and cannot leave Indonesian until 2017.
But enough of Schapelle, since she is old news.
3) Bali Nine
And I wonder why some Aussies get a bad rep over in Bali. Not only do we have Schapelle Corby but we have the Bali Nine imprisoned for drug trafficking. Consisting of Andrew Chan, Si Yi Chen, Michael Czugaj, Ranae Lawrence, Tan Nguyen, Matthew Norman, Scott Rush, Martin Stephens, and Myuran Sukumaran - this group of criminals planned to smuggled a 8.3 kg of heroin worth AUD$4 million from Indonesia to Australia. So kind of like Schapelle Corby, except in a group.
Most of the Bali Nine have been sentence to either 20 years or life in prison. However, the ring leaders Andrew Chan and Myuran Sukumaran are facing the death penalty. At the moment, the Australian Government is trying to save Chan and Sukumaran from the death penalty and President Widodo is under pressure to give them clemency. I think the Australian majority believe that they should do their time for sure and are against capital punishment... however I disagree that we should boycott Indonesia or Bali just because of this. These people actually did the crime with malicious intent and greed. It was not an extraordinary circumstance whereby they had to be a drug mule so they could saved a loved one unlike Van Tong Nguyen. Now that's truly a sad case - but the majority never said that we should boycott Singapore despite the fact he wanted to save his brother!
Friday, April 17, 2015
Thursday, June 08, 2006
Yogyakarta
If anyone is interested in the current situation of Yogya, you can go to http://www.travelblog.org/Bloggers/EEdmeades/
I came across this site while I was surfing the Lonely Planet Thorn Tree. Someone asked if they had any pictures or "good" news about what was happening in Yogya and someone recommended this site. It has a few pictures and an insight from a guy who is doing relief work there.
I came across this site while I was surfing the Lonely Planet Thorn Tree. Someone asked if they had any pictures or "good" news about what was happening in Yogya and someone recommended this site. It has a few pictures and an insight from a guy who is doing relief work there.
Tuesday, May 23, 2006
Activists seek review of shariah
Reports that more regencies and cities around Indonesia are adopting shariah-style bylaws have caused grave concern among women activists, who worry that the trend will threaten not only their rights but also the nation's integrity.
A group of women's rights activists in Jakarta is drumming up support for a plan to file a request for a Supreme Court review of 26 shariah-inspired ordinances which have been adopted in various regencies and municipalities.
They argue the ordinances on sex and morality violate the 1945 Constitution, which guarantees equal rights for men and women. They say local administrations are taking advantage of the central government's lax supervision of local legislations in the name of autonomy.
Among those which have adopted the controversial ordinances are the predominantly Muslim municipality of Tangerang, and several regencies in South Sulawesi, South Sumatra, West Java, West Sumatra and West Nusa Tenggara. Aceh province was legally granted the right to adopt shariah in 2002 with the hope that it would help end the secessionist rebellion there.
The head of the Jakarta chapter of the Legal Aid Foundation for Women (LBH-APIK), Ratna Batara Munti, is calling for a nationwide movement to stop bylaws that discriminate against women.
In Tangerang, women are subject to arrest as suspected prostitutes if they venture out without a male companion at night.
Recently, the Coalition to Oppose Discriminatory Local Ordinances filed a request for judicial review of the Tangerang prostitution bylaw at the Supreme Court. They believe the bylaw violates the Constitution and the Criminal Code as well as the International Declaration of Human Rights.
"In Palembang city (in South Sumatra), being a homosexual is punishable by jail terms and hefty fines," she said.
The ordinances appear to clearly violate international conventions that the Indonesian government has ratified, such as the 2005 law on civil and political rights and the 1984 law on women.
The International Convention on Civil and Political Rights obliges signatories to repeal policies that are incompatible with the principles of human rights.
"It is the right of every person to determine his or her sexual orientation," Ratna says.
Ratna points out that many of the shariah bylaws discriminate against women, depriving them of their basic rights, such as the right to dress as they choose and act as they choose.
The General Secretary of the Indonesian Women's Coalition for Justice and Democracy, Masruchah, illustrates how such bylaws discriminate against women.
"In some regencies in South Sulawesi province, the bylaws require women to wear Muslim clothes but they do not prescribe the same thing for men," said Masruchah, who wears a headscarf.
"The bylaws curtail women's rights to move and act. In the West Java regency of Cianjur, women are seen as 'good women' only if they wear Muslim clothes," she said.
According to activists, local administrations have adopted the shariah ordinances without properly consulting the people, let alone listening to objections from critics, particularly those of different religious faiths.
Masruchah says the end goal of the shariah ordinances spearheaded by fundamentalist groups is to turn Indonesia into a theocratic state.
"This is wrong. Islam teaches tolerance for people of other faiths, so they are violating this principle," she said. "I believe that many people do not feel comfortable with the bylaws, and therefore, we have to form an organized movement," she said. (05)
Taken from The Jakarta Post
A group of women's rights activists in Jakarta is drumming up support for a plan to file a request for a Supreme Court review of 26 shariah-inspired ordinances which have been adopted in various regencies and municipalities.
They argue the ordinances on sex and morality violate the 1945 Constitution, which guarantees equal rights for men and women. They say local administrations are taking advantage of the central government's lax supervision of local legislations in the name of autonomy.
Among those which have adopted the controversial ordinances are the predominantly Muslim municipality of Tangerang, and several regencies in South Sulawesi, South Sumatra, West Java, West Sumatra and West Nusa Tenggara. Aceh province was legally granted the right to adopt shariah in 2002 with the hope that it would help end the secessionist rebellion there.
The head of the Jakarta chapter of the Legal Aid Foundation for Women (LBH-APIK), Ratna Batara Munti, is calling for a nationwide movement to stop bylaws that discriminate against women.
In Tangerang, women are subject to arrest as suspected prostitutes if they venture out without a male companion at night.
Recently, the Coalition to Oppose Discriminatory Local Ordinances filed a request for judicial review of the Tangerang prostitution bylaw at the Supreme Court. They believe the bylaw violates the Constitution and the Criminal Code as well as the International Declaration of Human Rights.
"In Palembang city (in South Sumatra), being a homosexual is punishable by jail terms and hefty fines," she said.
The ordinances appear to clearly violate international conventions that the Indonesian government has ratified, such as the 2005 law on civil and political rights and the 1984 law on women.
The International Convention on Civil and Political Rights obliges signatories to repeal policies that are incompatible with the principles of human rights.
"It is the right of every person to determine his or her sexual orientation," Ratna says.
Ratna points out that many of the shariah bylaws discriminate against women, depriving them of their basic rights, such as the right to dress as they choose and act as they choose.
The General Secretary of the Indonesian Women's Coalition for Justice and Democracy, Masruchah, illustrates how such bylaws discriminate against women.
"In some regencies in South Sulawesi province, the bylaws require women to wear Muslim clothes but they do not prescribe the same thing for men," said Masruchah, who wears a headscarf.
"The bylaws curtail women's rights to move and act. In the West Java regency of Cianjur, women are seen as 'good women' only if they wear Muslim clothes," she said.
According to activists, local administrations have adopted the shariah ordinances without properly consulting the people, let alone listening to objections from critics, particularly those of different religious faiths.
Masruchah says the end goal of the shariah ordinances spearheaded by fundamentalist groups is to turn Indonesia into a theocratic state.
"This is wrong. Islam teaches tolerance for people of other faiths, so they are violating this principle," she said. "I believe that many people do not feel comfortable with the bylaws, and therefore, we have to form an organized movement," she said. (05)
Taken from The Jakarta Post
Developer embraces old house
Anissa S. Febrina, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta
There is something visually odd about the Margo City mall in Pondok Cina, Depok, just south of Jakarta.
A nine-meter wide neo-classical facade of a house built in the 1860s stands awkwardly against the backdrop of the mall's newly-built four-story glass structure.
It was not until the project started that anyone cared to preserve or even notice the existence of the house of 18th-century Chinese landlord Lauw Tjeng Shiang.
Historian Adolf Heuken has named the house one of Greater Jakarta's historical sites, but the city administration has not followed suit.
Now, mall developer Puri Dibya Property is trying to keep and renovate what is left of the house and develop it into a cafe. The media, along with history lovers, have pushed for the conservation of the building.
The property company is owned by the family that runs Indonesia's third largest cigarette manufacturer, Djarum group. They are also developing the mixed-use Grand Indonesia project in Bundaran HI, Central Jakarta.
"It was pure coincidence. The old house just happened to be standing in our project site and we finally decided to keep it and make use of it," said one of the company's managers, who asked for anonymity.
The 7.6 hectare mall complex lies on a large piece of land that was owned by the fourth descendant of Lauw, the Kapitein der Chineezen -- a Dutch term used by the VOC for leaders of Chinese Indonesians.
Heuken wrote in his 1997 book, Historical Sites of Jakarta,-- that the building was last owned by the Tan family.
Currently under renovation, what is left of the original structure is its front and inner veranda, and a 225-square meter living room now strengthened with additional columns.
Its roof has been replaced with concrete slabs, but the elegance of its slightly ruptured Corinthian columns remains -- although they are now supported by two large new ones standing behind them.
It's not what historians and architects would define as a preserved heritage, but the effort is worth acknowledging.
"The cafe will be open to the public in a couple of months," the manager said. The eatery will be part of the complex's outdoor sports and playground area.
According to the company's initial plan, the cafe will feature pictures of old Depok and the Kapitein's family.
The remains of Kapitein Lauw and his descendants still lie in a family cemetery located just a 10-minute walk behind the mall complex.
A large Chinese tomb beautifully decorated with inscriptions and colored reliefs lies inside a 120-square meter patio. Two liong or statues of mythical lions guard the grave.
A smaller grave lies to the right, while several newer ones are scattered throughout the area.
"The son and wife of this one still visit the place regularly," said complex caretaker Rahmat, pointing to the grave of Lauw Tjian Ing, the third descendant of Kapitein Lauw, who died in 1985.
Haji Bahruddin, an elder in the area, explained that Kapitein Lauw's family used to own the northern part of Depok, including the 50-hectare land now occupied by state university Universitas Indonesia.
"A large part of the land was rubber plantations, but this area, Kampung Gedong, is the residence of the Kapitein," Bahruddin said. "Gedong refers to his grand house."
In late 1948, after Indonesia's declaration of independence, people claiming to be native Indonesians took over properties and land belonging to the Chinese and other foreign nationals.
"The family moved away, and when they came back what was left was the house and the cemetery," he said.
The area is known as Pondok Cina (house of Chinese).
"This place used to house Chinese traders from Jakarta heading for Bogor. They rested from their journey before continuing another day's walk to Bogor," Bahruddin explained.
Behind its modernized facade and rapidly-sprouting shopping malls, Depok hides a history that also contributes to Greater Jakarta.
Taken from The Jakarta Post
There is something visually odd about the Margo City mall in Pondok Cina, Depok, just south of Jakarta.
A nine-meter wide neo-classical facade of a house built in the 1860s stands awkwardly against the backdrop of the mall's newly-built four-story glass structure.
It was not until the project started that anyone cared to preserve or even notice the existence of the house of 18th-century Chinese landlord Lauw Tjeng Shiang.
Historian Adolf Heuken has named the house one of Greater Jakarta's historical sites, but the city administration has not followed suit.
Now, mall developer Puri Dibya Property is trying to keep and renovate what is left of the house and develop it into a cafe. The media, along with history lovers, have pushed for the conservation of the building.
The property company is owned by the family that runs Indonesia's third largest cigarette manufacturer, Djarum group. They are also developing the mixed-use Grand Indonesia project in Bundaran HI, Central Jakarta.
"It was pure coincidence. The old house just happened to be standing in our project site and we finally decided to keep it and make use of it," said one of the company's managers, who asked for anonymity.
The 7.6 hectare mall complex lies on a large piece of land that was owned by the fourth descendant of Lauw, the Kapitein der Chineezen -- a Dutch term used by the VOC for leaders of Chinese Indonesians.
Heuken wrote in his 1997 book, Historical Sites of Jakarta,-- that the building was last owned by the Tan family.
Currently under renovation, what is left of the original structure is its front and inner veranda, and a 225-square meter living room now strengthened with additional columns.
Its roof has been replaced with concrete slabs, but the elegance of its slightly ruptured Corinthian columns remains -- although they are now supported by two large new ones standing behind them.
It's not what historians and architects would define as a preserved heritage, but the effort is worth acknowledging.
"The cafe will be open to the public in a couple of months," the manager said. The eatery will be part of the complex's outdoor sports and playground area.
According to the company's initial plan, the cafe will feature pictures of old Depok and the Kapitein's family.
The remains of Kapitein Lauw and his descendants still lie in a family cemetery located just a 10-minute walk behind the mall complex.
A large Chinese tomb beautifully decorated with inscriptions and colored reliefs lies inside a 120-square meter patio. Two liong or statues of mythical lions guard the grave.
A smaller grave lies to the right, while several newer ones are scattered throughout the area.
"The son and wife of this one still visit the place regularly," said complex caretaker Rahmat, pointing to the grave of Lauw Tjian Ing, the third descendant of Kapitein Lauw, who died in 1985.
Haji Bahruddin, an elder in the area, explained that Kapitein Lauw's family used to own the northern part of Depok, including the 50-hectare land now occupied by state university Universitas Indonesia.
"A large part of the land was rubber plantations, but this area, Kampung Gedong, is the residence of the Kapitein," Bahruddin said. "Gedong refers to his grand house."
In late 1948, after Indonesia's declaration of independence, people claiming to be native Indonesians took over properties and land belonging to the Chinese and other foreign nationals.
"The family moved away, and when they came back what was left was the house and the cemetery," he said.
The area is known as Pondok Cina (house of Chinese).
"This place used to house Chinese traders from Jakarta heading for Bogor. They rested from their journey before continuing another day's walk to Bogor," Bahruddin explained.
Behind its modernized facade and rapidly-sprouting shopping malls, Depok hides a history that also contributes to Greater Jakarta.
Taken from The Jakarta Post
music
my friend was showing me a website where people have put up videos. i remembered the song by peterpan from class last year called apa denganmu? and i decided to look it up. so for your viewing pleasure (and if you want to sing along to the song in private) go to this link to re-watch it! http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4PfC8bkDwXE
theres also one on indonesian idol where both delon & joy are singing in english http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wTZSwA2WgYI
theres also one on indonesian idol where both delon & joy are singing in english http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wTZSwA2WgYI
Wednesday, May 17, 2006
Learning from past mistakes
By Aleksius Jemadu, Bandung
While we all sympathize with Soeharto's suffering in his old age, we should not forget the fact that his years in power have brought tremendous consequences on what the nation looks like today. People are now debating what the nation should do with Soeharto. Some people argue that as a religious nation we should forgive him for his past mistakes. Others insist that he should be tried in absentia to account for his wrongdoings. It is also reported in the media that the government plans to restore Soeharto's reputation after taking into account his services to the nation.
To forgive Soeharto because of the deterioration of his health is one thing. But to restore his reputation while denying that some fatal mistakes were made during his rule is a totally different matter. Eight years have passed since Soeharto lost power, but Indonesian leaders have failed to provide some sort of legal certainty about his trial. The people's demand for a fair trial for Soeharto has become a political commodity used by some politicians as an easy way to boost their popularity.
One of the indicators of a successful leader is his or her ability to generate future leaders. Did Soeharto do this while he was in power? He did but the result was the emergence of politicians who were very loyal to him, but had an uncontrolled passion for political and economic appropriation. Thus, Soeharto was surrounded by opportunists who brought only shame to the nation.
To be fair to Soeharto for all good things he did for the nation, we have to acknowledge that he embarked upon three projects that any developing country must after they pass their post-independence turbulent years. Those projects were economic development, state-building and nation-building.
When Soeharto came to power in the mid-1960s he started from the correct assumption that Indonesia could only play an important role in international politics on the basis of the country's internal strengths. Thus, he abandoned Sukarno's radical foreign policy and endeavored to focus on economic development. We have to bear in mind that at about this same time South Korea also started its economic development under president Park Chung Hee.
But why is it that while South Korea has achieved the status of an industrial nation, Indonesia remains in the list of poor countries? How can we explain the fact that with limited natural resources South Korea has been able to achieve its development goals, but Indonesia has become one of the most indebted nations on earth?
Another contrast between South Korea and Indonesia is related to the fact that while South Korea managed to produce conglomerates that capable of exporting high value-added goods, Indonesia's conglomerates grew bigger because of monopolies and all kinds of business facilities given by Soeharto on a quid pro quo basis. Thus, 32 years of economic development were just wasted time, leading to the huge economic calamity in 1997.
Despite all our respect and sympathy for the ailing Soeharto, Indonesia should never forget his ill-designed economic policies so that the next generation does not repeat the same mistakes.
The best way to evaluate whether Soeharto was successful in promoting state-building and nation-building is to look at the current state of our political institutions and the degradation of our national unity. As far as state-building is concerned, Soeharto acted more as a political strategist than a visionary statesman. Not only did he concentrate power in his own hands, he also repressed those opposed to his will.
When he was under pressure in the early 1990s he embraced conservative religious group and pitted them against Indonesia's democratic forces to weaken civil society organizations. What was most damaging to the social fabric of the nation was the practice of political favoritism which led to the extensive outbreak of inter-religious violence throughout the 1990s.
No wonder today our national unity is at its lowest point and all kinds of centrifugal forces have begun to disintegrate the nation. This is the result of the politicization of religion for the fulfillment of personal and sectarian ambition.
While it is up to the wisdom of the government to decide what to do with Soeharto's unresolved legal case, let us make it clear to the present and future generations that we should be aware of the mistakes committed by our former leaders and pledge to ourselves that we will not repeat these same mistakes in the future. If we fail to embrace the lessons of their mistakes, we will become one of the most miserable nations on earth.
Taken from The Jakarta Post
While we all sympathize with Soeharto's suffering in his old age, we should not forget the fact that his years in power have brought tremendous consequences on what the nation looks like today. People are now debating what the nation should do with Soeharto. Some people argue that as a religious nation we should forgive him for his past mistakes. Others insist that he should be tried in absentia to account for his wrongdoings. It is also reported in the media that the government plans to restore Soeharto's reputation after taking into account his services to the nation.
To forgive Soeharto because of the deterioration of his health is one thing. But to restore his reputation while denying that some fatal mistakes were made during his rule is a totally different matter. Eight years have passed since Soeharto lost power, but Indonesian leaders have failed to provide some sort of legal certainty about his trial. The people's demand for a fair trial for Soeharto has become a political commodity used by some politicians as an easy way to boost their popularity.
One of the indicators of a successful leader is his or her ability to generate future leaders. Did Soeharto do this while he was in power? He did but the result was the emergence of politicians who were very loyal to him, but had an uncontrolled passion for political and economic appropriation. Thus, Soeharto was surrounded by opportunists who brought only shame to the nation.
To be fair to Soeharto for all good things he did for the nation, we have to acknowledge that he embarked upon three projects that any developing country must after they pass their post-independence turbulent years. Those projects were economic development, state-building and nation-building.
When Soeharto came to power in the mid-1960s he started from the correct assumption that Indonesia could only play an important role in international politics on the basis of the country's internal strengths. Thus, he abandoned Sukarno's radical foreign policy and endeavored to focus on economic development. We have to bear in mind that at about this same time South Korea also started its economic development under president Park Chung Hee.
But why is it that while South Korea has achieved the status of an industrial nation, Indonesia remains in the list of poor countries? How can we explain the fact that with limited natural resources South Korea has been able to achieve its development goals, but Indonesia has become one of the most indebted nations on earth?
Another contrast between South Korea and Indonesia is related to the fact that while South Korea managed to produce conglomerates that capable of exporting high value-added goods, Indonesia's conglomerates grew bigger because of monopolies and all kinds of business facilities given by Soeharto on a quid pro quo basis. Thus, 32 years of economic development were just wasted time, leading to the huge economic calamity in 1997.
Despite all our respect and sympathy for the ailing Soeharto, Indonesia should never forget his ill-designed economic policies so that the next generation does not repeat the same mistakes.
The best way to evaluate whether Soeharto was successful in promoting state-building and nation-building is to look at the current state of our political institutions and the degradation of our national unity. As far as state-building is concerned, Soeharto acted more as a political strategist than a visionary statesman. Not only did he concentrate power in his own hands, he also repressed those opposed to his will.
When he was under pressure in the early 1990s he embraced conservative religious group and pitted them against Indonesia's democratic forces to weaken civil society organizations. What was most damaging to the social fabric of the nation was the practice of political favoritism which led to the extensive outbreak of inter-religious violence throughout the 1990s.
No wonder today our national unity is at its lowest point and all kinds of centrifugal forces have begun to disintegrate the nation. This is the result of the politicization of religion for the fulfillment of personal and sectarian ambition.
While it is up to the wisdom of the government to decide what to do with Soeharto's unresolved legal case, let us make it clear to the present and future generations that we should be aware of the mistakes committed by our former leaders and pledge to ourselves that we will not repeat these same mistakes in the future. If we fail to embrace the lessons of their mistakes, we will become one of the most miserable nations on earth.
Taken from The Jakarta Post
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