If anyone is interested in the current situation of Yogya, you can go to http://www.travelblog.org/Bloggers/EEdmeades/
I came across this site while I was surfing the Lonely Planet Thorn Tree. Someone asked if they had any pictures or "good" news about what was happening in Yogya and someone recommended this site. It has a few pictures and an insight from a guy who is doing relief work there.
Thursday, June 08, 2006
Tuesday, May 23, 2006
Activists seek review of shariah
Reports that more regencies and cities around Indonesia are adopting shariah-style bylaws have caused grave concern among women activists, who worry that the trend will threaten not only their rights but also the nation's integrity.
A group of women's rights activists in Jakarta is drumming up support for a plan to file a request for a Supreme Court review of 26 shariah-inspired ordinances which have been adopted in various regencies and municipalities.
They argue the ordinances on sex and morality violate the 1945 Constitution, which guarantees equal rights for men and women. They say local administrations are taking advantage of the central government's lax supervision of local legislations in the name of autonomy.
Among those which have adopted the controversial ordinances are the predominantly Muslim municipality of Tangerang, and several regencies in South Sulawesi, South Sumatra, West Java, West Sumatra and West Nusa Tenggara. Aceh province was legally granted the right to adopt shariah in 2002 with the hope that it would help end the secessionist rebellion there.
The head of the Jakarta chapter of the Legal Aid Foundation for Women (LBH-APIK), Ratna Batara Munti, is calling for a nationwide movement to stop bylaws that discriminate against women.
In Tangerang, women are subject to arrest as suspected prostitutes if they venture out without a male companion at night.
Recently, the Coalition to Oppose Discriminatory Local Ordinances filed a request for judicial review of the Tangerang prostitution bylaw at the Supreme Court. They believe the bylaw violates the Constitution and the Criminal Code as well as the International Declaration of Human Rights.
"In Palembang city (in South Sumatra), being a homosexual is punishable by jail terms and hefty fines," she said.
The ordinances appear to clearly violate international conventions that the Indonesian government has ratified, such as the 2005 law on civil and political rights and the 1984 law on women.
The International Convention on Civil and Political Rights obliges signatories to repeal policies that are incompatible with the principles of human rights.
"It is the right of every person to determine his or her sexual orientation," Ratna says.
Ratna points out that many of the shariah bylaws discriminate against women, depriving them of their basic rights, such as the right to dress as they choose and act as they choose.
The General Secretary of the Indonesian Women's Coalition for Justice and Democracy, Masruchah, illustrates how such bylaws discriminate against women.
"In some regencies in South Sulawesi province, the bylaws require women to wear Muslim clothes but they do not prescribe the same thing for men," said Masruchah, who wears a headscarf.
"The bylaws curtail women's rights to move and act. In the West Java regency of Cianjur, women are seen as 'good women' only if they wear Muslim clothes," she said.
According to activists, local administrations have adopted the shariah ordinances without properly consulting the people, let alone listening to objections from critics, particularly those of different religious faiths.
Masruchah says the end goal of the shariah ordinances spearheaded by fundamentalist groups is to turn Indonesia into a theocratic state.
"This is wrong. Islam teaches tolerance for people of other faiths, so they are violating this principle," she said. "I believe that many people do not feel comfortable with the bylaws, and therefore, we have to form an organized movement," she said. (05)
Taken from The Jakarta Post
A group of women's rights activists in Jakarta is drumming up support for a plan to file a request for a Supreme Court review of 26 shariah-inspired ordinances which have been adopted in various regencies and municipalities.
They argue the ordinances on sex and morality violate the 1945 Constitution, which guarantees equal rights for men and women. They say local administrations are taking advantage of the central government's lax supervision of local legislations in the name of autonomy.
Among those which have adopted the controversial ordinances are the predominantly Muslim municipality of Tangerang, and several regencies in South Sulawesi, South Sumatra, West Java, West Sumatra and West Nusa Tenggara. Aceh province was legally granted the right to adopt shariah in 2002 with the hope that it would help end the secessionist rebellion there.
The head of the Jakarta chapter of the Legal Aid Foundation for Women (LBH-APIK), Ratna Batara Munti, is calling for a nationwide movement to stop bylaws that discriminate against women.
In Tangerang, women are subject to arrest as suspected prostitutes if they venture out without a male companion at night.
Recently, the Coalition to Oppose Discriminatory Local Ordinances filed a request for judicial review of the Tangerang prostitution bylaw at the Supreme Court. They believe the bylaw violates the Constitution and the Criminal Code as well as the International Declaration of Human Rights.
"In Palembang city (in South Sumatra), being a homosexual is punishable by jail terms and hefty fines," she said.
The ordinances appear to clearly violate international conventions that the Indonesian government has ratified, such as the 2005 law on civil and political rights and the 1984 law on women.
The International Convention on Civil and Political Rights obliges signatories to repeal policies that are incompatible with the principles of human rights.
"It is the right of every person to determine his or her sexual orientation," Ratna says.
Ratna points out that many of the shariah bylaws discriminate against women, depriving them of their basic rights, such as the right to dress as they choose and act as they choose.
The General Secretary of the Indonesian Women's Coalition for Justice and Democracy, Masruchah, illustrates how such bylaws discriminate against women.
"In some regencies in South Sulawesi province, the bylaws require women to wear Muslim clothes but they do not prescribe the same thing for men," said Masruchah, who wears a headscarf.
"The bylaws curtail women's rights to move and act. In the West Java regency of Cianjur, women are seen as 'good women' only if they wear Muslim clothes," she said.
According to activists, local administrations have adopted the shariah ordinances without properly consulting the people, let alone listening to objections from critics, particularly those of different religious faiths.
Masruchah says the end goal of the shariah ordinances spearheaded by fundamentalist groups is to turn Indonesia into a theocratic state.
"This is wrong. Islam teaches tolerance for people of other faiths, so they are violating this principle," she said. "I believe that many people do not feel comfortable with the bylaws, and therefore, we have to form an organized movement," she said. (05)
Taken from The Jakarta Post
Developer embraces old house
Anissa S. Febrina, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta
There is something visually odd about the Margo City mall in Pondok Cina, Depok, just south of Jakarta.
A nine-meter wide neo-classical facade of a house built in the 1860s stands awkwardly against the backdrop of the mall's newly-built four-story glass structure.
It was not until the project started that anyone cared to preserve or even notice the existence of the house of 18th-century Chinese landlord Lauw Tjeng Shiang.
Historian Adolf Heuken has named the house one of Greater Jakarta's historical sites, but the city administration has not followed suit.
Now, mall developer Puri Dibya Property is trying to keep and renovate what is left of the house and develop it into a cafe. The media, along with history lovers, have pushed for the conservation of the building.
The property company is owned by the family that runs Indonesia's third largest cigarette manufacturer, Djarum group. They are also developing the mixed-use Grand Indonesia project in Bundaran HI, Central Jakarta.
"It was pure coincidence. The old house just happened to be standing in our project site and we finally decided to keep it and make use of it," said one of the company's managers, who asked for anonymity.
The 7.6 hectare mall complex lies on a large piece of land that was owned by the fourth descendant of Lauw, the Kapitein der Chineezen -- a Dutch term used by the VOC for leaders of Chinese Indonesians.
Heuken wrote in his 1997 book, Historical Sites of Jakarta,-- that the building was last owned by the Tan family.
Currently under renovation, what is left of the original structure is its front and inner veranda, and a 225-square meter living room now strengthened with additional columns.
Its roof has been replaced with concrete slabs, but the elegance of its slightly ruptured Corinthian columns remains -- although they are now supported by two large new ones standing behind them.
It's not what historians and architects would define as a preserved heritage, but the effort is worth acknowledging.
"The cafe will be open to the public in a couple of months," the manager said. The eatery will be part of the complex's outdoor sports and playground area.
According to the company's initial plan, the cafe will feature pictures of old Depok and the Kapitein's family.
The remains of Kapitein Lauw and his descendants still lie in a family cemetery located just a 10-minute walk behind the mall complex.
A large Chinese tomb beautifully decorated with inscriptions and colored reliefs lies inside a 120-square meter patio. Two liong or statues of mythical lions guard the grave.
A smaller grave lies to the right, while several newer ones are scattered throughout the area.
"The son and wife of this one still visit the place regularly," said complex caretaker Rahmat, pointing to the grave of Lauw Tjian Ing, the third descendant of Kapitein Lauw, who died in 1985.
Haji Bahruddin, an elder in the area, explained that Kapitein Lauw's family used to own the northern part of Depok, including the 50-hectare land now occupied by state university Universitas Indonesia.
"A large part of the land was rubber plantations, but this area, Kampung Gedong, is the residence of the Kapitein," Bahruddin said. "Gedong refers to his grand house."
In late 1948, after Indonesia's declaration of independence, people claiming to be native Indonesians took over properties and land belonging to the Chinese and other foreign nationals.
"The family moved away, and when they came back what was left was the house and the cemetery," he said.
The area is known as Pondok Cina (house of Chinese).
"This place used to house Chinese traders from Jakarta heading for Bogor. They rested from their journey before continuing another day's walk to Bogor," Bahruddin explained.
Behind its modernized facade and rapidly-sprouting shopping malls, Depok hides a history that also contributes to Greater Jakarta.
Taken from The Jakarta Post
There is something visually odd about the Margo City mall in Pondok Cina, Depok, just south of Jakarta.
A nine-meter wide neo-classical facade of a house built in the 1860s stands awkwardly against the backdrop of the mall's newly-built four-story glass structure.
It was not until the project started that anyone cared to preserve or even notice the existence of the house of 18th-century Chinese landlord Lauw Tjeng Shiang.
Historian Adolf Heuken has named the house one of Greater Jakarta's historical sites, but the city administration has not followed suit.
Now, mall developer Puri Dibya Property is trying to keep and renovate what is left of the house and develop it into a cafe. The media, along with history lovers, have pushed for the conservation of the building.
The property company is owned by the family that runs Indonesia's third largest cigarette manufacturer, Djarum group. They are also developing the mixed-use Grand Indonesia project in Bundaran HI, Central Jakarta.
"It was pure coincidence. The old house just happened to be standing in our project site and we finally decided to keep it and make use of it," said one of the company's managers, who asked for anonymity.
The 7.6 hectare mall complex lies on a large piece of land that was owned by the fourth descendant of Lauw, the Kapitein der Chineezen -- a Dutch term used by the VOC for leaders of Chinese Indonesians.
Heuken wrote in his 1997 book, Historical Sites of Jakarta,-- that the building was last owned by the Tan family.
Currently under renovation, what is left of the original structure is its front and inner veranda, and a 225-square meter living room now strengthened with additional columns.
Its roof has been replaced with concrete slabs, but the elegance of its slightly ruptured Corinthian columns remains -- although they are now supported by two large new ones standing behind them.
It's not what historians and architects would define as a preserved heritage, but the effort is worth acknowledging.
"The cafe will be open to the public in a couple of months," the manager said. The eatery will be part of the complex's outdoor sports and playground area.
According to the company's initial plan, the cafe will feature pictures of old Depok and the Kapitein's family.
The remains of Kapitein Lauw and his descendants still lie in a family cemetery located just a 10-minute walk behind the mall complex.
A large Chinese tomb beautifully decorated with inscriptions and colored reliefs lies inside a 120-square meter patio. Two liong or statues of mythical lions guard the grave.
A smaller grave lies to the right, while several newer ones are scattered throughout the area.
"The son and wife of this one still visit the place regularly," said complex caretaker Rahmat, pointing to the grave of Lauw Tjian Ing, the third descendant of Kapitein Lauw, who died in 1985.
Haji Bahruddin, an elder in the area, explained that Kapitein Lauw's family used to own the northern part of Depok, including the 50-hectare land now occupied by state university Universitas Indonesia.
"A large part of the land was rubber plantations, but this area, Kampung Gedong, is the residence of the Kapitein," Bahruddin said. "Gedong refers to his grand house."
In late 1948, after Indonesia's declaration of independence, people claiming to be native Indonesians took over properties and land belonging to the Chinese and other foreign nationals.
"The family moved away, and when they came back what was left was the house and the cemetery," he said.
The area is known as Pondok Cina (house of Chinese).
"This place used to house Chinese traders from Jakarta heading for Bogor. They rested from their journey before continuing another day's walk to Bogor," Bahruddin explained.
Behind its modernized facade and rapidly-sprouting shopping malls, Depok hides a history that also contributes to Greater Jakarta.
Taken from The Jakarta Post
music
my friend was showing me a website where people have put up videos. i remembered the song by peterpan from class last year called apa denganmu? and i decided to look it up. so for your viewing pleasure (and if you want to sing along to the song in private) go to this link to re-watch it! http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4PfC8bkDwXE
theres also one on indonesian idol where both delon & joy are singing in english http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wTZSwA2WgYI
theres also one on indonesian idol where both delon & joy are singing in english http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wTZSwA2WgYI
Wednesday, May 17, 2006
Learning from past mistakes
By Aleksius Jemadu, Bandung
While we all sympathize with Soeharto's suffering in his old age, we should not forget the fact that his years in power have brought tremendous consequences on what the nation looks like today. People are now debating what the nation should do with Soeharto. Some people argue that as a religious nation we should forgive him for his past mistakes. Others insist that he should be tried in absentia to account for his wrongdoings. It is also reported in the media that the government plans to restore Soeharto's reputation after taking into account his services to the nation.
To forgive Soeharto because of the deterioration of his health is one thing. But to restore his reputation while denying that some fatal mistakes were made during his rule is a totally different matter. Eight years have passed since Soeharto lost power, but Indonesian leaders have failed to provide some sort of legal certainty about his trial. The people's demand for a fair trial for Soeharto has become a political commodity used by some politicians as an easy way to boost their popularity.
One of the indicators of a successful leader is his or her ability to generate future leaders. Did Soeharto do this while he was in power? He did but the result was the emergence of politicians who were very loyal to him, but had an uncontrolled passion for political and economic appropriation. Thus, Soeharto was surrounded by opportunists who brought only shame to the nation.
To be fair to Soeharto for all good things he did for the nation, we have to acknowledge that he embarked upon three projects that any developing country must after they pass their post-independence turbulent years. Those projects were economic development, state-building and nation-building.
When Soeharto came to power in the mid-1960s he started from the correct assumption that Indonesia could only play an important role in international politics on the basis of the country's internal strengths. Thus, he abandoned Sukarno's radical foreign policy and endeavored to focus on economic development. We have to bear in mind that at about this same time South Korea also started its economic development under president Park Chung Hee.
But why is it that while South Korea has achieved the status of an industrial nation, Indonesia remains in the list of poor countries? How can we explain the fact that with limited natural resources South Korea has been able to achieve its development goals, but Indonesia has become one of the most indebted nations on earth?
Another contrast between South Korea and Indonesia is related to the fact that while South Korea managed to produce conglomerates that capable of exporting high value-added goods, Indonesia's conglomerates grew bigger because of monopolies and all kinds of business facilities given by Soeharto on a quid pro quo basis. Thus, 32 years of economic development were just wasted time, leading to the huge economic calamity in 1997.
Despite all our respect and sympathy for the ailing Soeharto, Indonesia should never forget his ill-designed economic policies so that the next generation does not repeat the same mistakes.
The best way to evaluate whether Soeharto was successful in promoting state-building and nation-building is to look at the current state of our political institutions and the degradation of our national unity. As far as state-building is concerned, Soeharto acted more as a political strategist than a visionary statesman. Not only did he concentrate power in his own hands, he also repressed those opposed to his will.
When he was under pressure in the early 1990s he embraced conservative religious group and pitted them against Indonesia's democratic forces to weaken civil society organizations. What was most damaging to the social fabric of the nation was the practice of political favoritism which led to the extensive outbreak of inter-religious violence throughout the 1990s.
No wonder today our national unity is at its lowest point and all kinds of centrifugal forces have begun to disintegrate the nation. This is the result of the politicization of religion for the fulfillment of personal and sectarian ambition.
While it is up to the wisdom of the government to decide what to do with Soeharto's unresolved legal case, let us make it clear to the present and future generations that we should be aware of the mistakes committed by our former leaders and pledge to ourselves that we will not repeat these same mistakes in the future. If we fail to embrace the lessons of their mistakes, we will become one of the most miserable nations on earth.
Taken from The Jakarta Post
While we all sympathize with Soeharto's suffering in his old age, we should not forget the fact that his years in power have brought tremendous consequences on what the nation looks like today. People are now debating what the nation should do with Soeharto. Some people argue that as a religious nation we should forgive him for his past mistakes. Others insist that he should be tried in absentia to account for his wrongdoings. It is also reported in the media that the government plans to restore Soeharto's reputation after taking into account his services to the nation.
To forgive Soeharto because of the deterioration of his health is one thing. But to restore his reputation while denying that some fatal mistakes were made during his rule is a totally different matter. Eight years have passed since Soeharto lost power, but Indonesian leaders have failed to provide some sort of legal certainty about his trial. The people's demand for a fair trial for Soeharto has become a political commodity used by some politicians as an easy way to boost their popularity.
One of the indicators of a successful leader is his or her ability to generate future leaders. Did Soeharto do this while he was in power? He did but the result was the emergence of politicians who were very loyal to him, but had an uncontrolled passion for political and economic appropriation. Thus, Soeharto was surrounded by opportunists who brought only shame to the nation.
To be fair to Soeharto for all good things he did for the nation, we have to acknowledge that he embarked upon three projects that any developing country must after they pass their post-independence turbulent years. Those projects were economic development, state-building and nation-building.
When Soeharto came to power in the mid-1960s he started from the correct assumption that Indonesia could only play an important role in international politics on the basis of the country's internal strengths. Thus, he abandoned Sukarno's radical foreign policy and endeavored to focus on economic development. We have to bear in mind that at about this same time South Korea also started its economic development under president Park Chung Hee.
But why is it that while South Korea has achieved the status of an industrial nation, Indonesia remains in the list of poor countries? How can we explain the fact that with limited natural resources South Korea has been able to achieve its development goals, but Indonesia has become one of the most indebted nations on earth?
Another contrast between South Korea and Indonesia is related to the fact that while South Korea managed to produce conglomerates that capable of exporting high value-added goods, Indonesia's conglomerates grew bigger because of monopolies and all kinds of business facilities given by Soeharto on a quid pro quo basis. Thus, 32 years of economic development were just wasted time, leading to the huge economic calamity in 1997.
Despite all our respect and sympathy for the ailing Soeharto, Indonesia should never forget his ill-designed economic policies so that the next generation does not repeat the same mistakes.
The best way to evaluate whether Soeharto was successful in promoting state-building and nation-building is to look at the current state of our political institutions and the degradation of our national unity. As far as state-building is concerned, Soeharto acted more as a political strategist than a visionary statesman. Not only did he concentrate power in his own hands, he also repressed those opposed to his will.
When he was under pressure in the early 1990s he embraced conservative religious group and pitted them against Indonesia's democratic forces to weaken civil society organizations. What was most damaging to the social fabric of the nation was the practice of political favoritism which led to the extensive outbreak of inter-religious violence throughout the 1990s.
No wonder today our national unity is at its lowest point and all kinds of centrifugal forces have begun to disintegrate the nation. This is the result of the politicization of religion for the fulfillment of personal and sectarian ambition.
While it is up to the wisdom of the government to decide what to do with Soeharto's unresolved legal case, let us make it clear to the present and future generations that we should be aware of the mistakes committed by our former leaders and pledge to ourselves that we will not repeat these same mistakes in the future. If we fail to embrace the lessons of their mistakes, we will become one of the most miserable nations on earth.
Taken from The Jakarta Post
Tuesday, May 16, 2006
Saturday, May 13, 2006
Waisak Festival at Borobudur
On the evening of the May full moon, Indonesians celebrate the birth, enlightenment and death of Buddha. This festival is held in Borobodur, built in the 9th century AD and the largest Buddhist monument in existence - a Wonder of the World which took 100 years and three generations of men to build.
The five-mile pilgrimage from Mendut to the serene sitting Buddha on the top of Borobodur is walked by hundreds of monks in saffron robes carrying offerings of flowers and candles. As the moon rises over the horizon, throwing white light onto the smooth stone exterior of the ancient temple, candles are lit and the monks begin praying, meditating and chanting well into the evening, a vision guaranteed to remain with you forever.
Borobudur is a representation of the Buddhist cosmos. Ascend to the top of the temple and you take a symbolic walk through life. On the lowest level, the vast majority of us mortals are depicted in intricate stone carvings. Our bestiality on display, we are shown to be the pawns of suffering and fate, enslaved to carnal desire and imprisoned by our egos.
Winding gently upwards, the path circles round the monument, presenting stone carvings of those who have followed the Buddha's teachings and have been rewarded by reincarnations into higher forms of life. The lives of warriors and kings, priests, dancers, processions of elephants and voyages over the seas in ships are all carved in stone. Finally, the winding path leads you to a bricks-and-mortar version of Nirvana, wherein is found the absence of suffering and the Buddhist idea of heaven.
Borobodur is an amazing place at any time of year, but the holiness of the site is particularly apparent during this May-time religious festival.
Taken from ISIC.org
The five-mile pilgrimage from Mendut to the serene sitting Buddha on the top of Borobodur is walked by hundreds of monks in saffron robes carrying offerings of flowers and candles. As the moon rises over the horizon, throwing white light onto the smooth stone exterior of the ancient temple, candles are lit and the monks begin praying, meditating and chanting well into the evening, a vision guaranteed to remain with you forever.
Borobudur is a representation of the Buddhist cosmos. Ascend to the top of the temple and you take a symbolic walk through life. On the lowest level, the vast majority of us mortals are depicted in intricate stone carvings. Our bestiality on display, we are shown to be the pawns of suffering and fate, enslaved to carnal desire and imprisoned by our egos.
Winding gently upwards, the path circles round the monument, presenting stone carvings of those who have followed the Buddha's teachings and have been rewarded by reincarnations into higher forms of life. The lives of warriors and kings, priests, dancers, processions of elephants and voyages over the seas in ships are all carved in stone. Finally, the winding path leads you to a bricks-and-mortar version of Nirvana, wherein is found the absence of suffering and the Buddhist idea of heaven.
Borobodur is an amazing place at any time of year, but the holiness of the site is particularly apparent during this May-time religious festival.
Taken from ISIC.org
Friday, May 12, 2006
Taiwan president makes surprise visits to Libya, Indonesia
TAIPEI (AP): Taiwanese President Chen Shui-bian has made surprise stops in Libya and Indonesia, scoring a rare diplomatic coup against rival China, which tries to block Chen from visiting countries that have formal relations with Beijing.
China reacted angrily to news of Chen's stop in Libya, calling on the North African country to cut all official ties with Taipei.
"This is a serious violation of Libya's long-term commitment to the one-China policy and will have a negative impact on bilateral relations between China and Libya," Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Liu Jianchao said.
Beijing had no immediate reaction to Chen's stop in Indonesia, which began Thursday afternoon, about 11 hours after he left Tripoli.
Neither Libya nor Indonesia has formal diplomatic ties with the island.
Chen was returning from a four-day trip to Costa Rica and Paraguay.
Taiwan's China Times newspaper quoted Foreign Minister James Huang as saying the Libya visit was aimed at fostering economic ties between Taiwan and the oil-rich country.
Huang said Libyan authorities had resisted pressure from Beijing to bar Chen's visit, the newspaper said.
Foreign Ministry spokesman Michel Lu said Chen arrived in Indonesia's Batan Island Thursday afternoon and was scheduled to visit several factories Friday morning before returning home.
The visit was aimed at helping Taiwanese businesses to invest in Indonesia, Lu said.
China and Taiwan split amid civil war in 1949. Beijing still considers the self-governing island to be Chinese territory, and opposes anything that gives it the trappings of sovereignty - such as letting its leaders travel the globe freely.
On May 4, Chen declined Washington's offer of a transit stop in relatively isolated Alaska, after the U.S. refused his request for stops in San Francisco and New York. Chen turned down the Alaska stop, considering it a slight to Taiwan's dignity.
In five previous Latin American trips since taking office in 2000, Chen stopped in major U.S. cities including New York, Los Angeles and Houston - all with U.S. authorities' permission.
Chen used the stops to meet with U.S. politicians and raise the island's profile in the American media - part of his efforts to counter Beijing's efforts to isolate Taiwan diplomatically. (**)
Taken from The Jakarta Post
All I can say is, well, at least some countries accepted President Chen (or he accepted visiting them on their grounds)! I'm unsure how this will affect Indonesia's relation with China, but Indonesia ought to be careful just in case China totally cuts Indonesia off or something bad like that. :-/
China reacted angrily to news of Chen's stop in Libya, calling on the North African country to cut all official ties with Taipei.
"This is a serious violation of Libya's long-term commitment to the one-China policy and will have a negative impact on bilateral relations between China and Libya," Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Liu Jianchao said.
Beijing had no immediate reaction to Chen's stop in Indonesia, which began Thursday afternoon, about 11 hours after he left Tripoli.
Neither Libya nor Indonesia has formal diplomatic ties with the island.
Chen was returning from a four-day trip to Costa Rica and Paraguay.
Taiwan's China Times newspaper quoted Foreign Minister James Huang as saying the Libya visit was aimed at fostering economic ties between Taiwan and the oil-rich country.
Huang said Libyan authorities had resisted pressure from Beijing to bar Chen's visit, the newspaper said.
Foreign Ministry spokesman Michel Lu said Chen arrived in Indonesia's Batan Island Thursday afternoon and was scheduled to visit several factories Friday morning before returning home.
The visit was aimed at helping Taiwanese businesses to invest in Indonesia, Lu said.
China and Taiwan split amid civil war in 1949. Beijing still considers the self-governing island to be Chinese territory, and opposes anything that gives it the trappings of sovereignty - such as letting its leaders travel the globe freely.
On May 4, Chen declined Washington's offer of a transit stop in relatively isolated Alaska, after the U.S. refused his request for stops in San Francisco and New York. Chen turned down the Alaska stop, considering it a slight to Taiwan's dignity.
In five previous Latin American trips since taking office in 2000, Chen stopped in major U.S. cities including New York, Los Angeles and Houston - all with U.S. authorities' permission.
Chen used the stops to meet with U.S. politicians and raise the island's profile in the American media - part of his efforts to counter Beijing's efforts to isolate Taiwan diplomatically. (**)
Taken from The Jakarta Post
All I can say is, well, at least some countries accepted President Chen (or he accepted visiting them on their grounds)! I'm unsure how this will affect Indonesia's relation with China, but Indonesia ought to be careful just in case China totally cuts Indonesia off or something bad like that. :-/
Kalla calls for evacuation of Merapi residents
MAGELANG, Central Java (Antara): Vice President Jusuf Kalla called on local administrations to immediately evacuate residents living near the slopes of Mt. Merapi.
"I am calling for the immediate evacuation of at least 50 percent of residents from danger areas," Kalla said after a closed-door meeting with officials from local administrations around Mt. Merapi. The meeting was held in the Central Java town of Magelang.
Some 30,000 residents would have to be evacuated from Mt. Merapi if the volcano erupts.
The Vice President warned residents it was impossible to predict exactly when Merapi would erupt. "It is only a matter of time. It (the explosion) can be within one day, two days, threedays, one week or one month," said Kalla, who was accompanied by a number of ministers.
Merapi has a history of being unpredictable, and many of the nearby villagers are distrustful of modern science.
The 2,956-meter high Merapi is one of at least 129 active volcanoes in Indonesia -- part of the Pacific "Ring of Fire" - a series of fault lines stretching from the Western Hemisphere through Japan and Southeast Asia.
It last erupted in 1994, sending out a searing cloud of gas that killed 60 people. About 1,300 people were killed when it erupted in 1930.
Thousands of residents have left their homes for safer areas since late last month. But many of them have returned home. Many villagers are ignoring warnings about the pending danger, citing traditional beliefs about the volcano, as well as the need tocontinue working.
Smoke and lava have been spewing from the volcano and sensors within the crater have detected a rise in seismic activity in recent weeks, leading scientists to warn a major eruption is imminent. (**)
Taken from The Jakarta Post
"I am calling for the immediate evacuation of at least 50 percent of residents from danger areas," Kalla said after a closed-door meeting with officials from local administrations around Mt. Merapi. The meeting was held in the Central Java town of Magelang.
Some 30,000 residents would have to be evacuated from Mt. Merapi if the volcano erupts.
The Vice President warned residents it was impossible to predict exactly when Merapi would erupt. "It is only a matter of time. It (the explosion) can be within one day, two days, threedays, one week or one month," said Kalla, who was accompanied by a number of ministers.
Merapi has a history of being unpredictable, and many of the nearby villagers are distrustful of modern science.
The 2,956-meter high Merapi is one of at least 129 active volcanoes in Indonesia -- part of the Pacific "Ring of Fire" - a series of fault lines stretching from the Western Hemisphere through Japan and Southeast Asia.
It last erupted in 1994, sending out a searing cloud of gas that killed 60 people. About 1,300 people were killed when it erupted in 1930.
Thousands of residents have left their homes for safer areas since late last month. But many of them have returned home. Many villagers are ignoring warnings about the pending danger, citing traditional beliefs about the volcano, as well as the need tocontinue working.
Smoke and lava have been spewing from the volcano and sensors within the crater have detected a rise in seismic activity in recent weeks, leading scientists to warn a major eruption is imminent. (**)
Taken from The Jakarta Post
Thursday, May 11, 2006
On Indonesia’s Nias Island, UNICEF helps rebuild the lives of quake-affected children
By Anna Stechert
GUNUNGSITOLI, Indonesia, 10 May 2006 – Well over a year since a violent earthquake shook the island of Nias in Indonesia, killing 800 people and destroying 90 per cent of the infrastructure, UNICEF continues to offer vital protection for children.
Located northwest of Sumatra, Nias was only minimally affected by the December 2004 tsunami in the Indian Ocean – but an earthquake that struck the island on 28 March 2005 measured 8.7 on the Richter scale.
UNICEF was in place to coordinate the emergency relief efforts immediately after the quake. Now the organization is focusing on long-term projects.
Child centres provide security
“Many children are separated from their families for economic or educational reasons,” says UNICEF Assistant Child Protection Officer Patrick Halton. “Institutionalization is common as a means to alleviate financial burden. UNICEF is also aware that children are frequently taken out of Nias by non-relatives, and they may lose contact with their families and be vulnerable to abuse and exploitation.”
To help protect vulnerable children, UNICEF is working with Indonesian legislators to strengthen current child-protection laws, as well as running three child centres in Nias. The centres provide education, recreational activities and psycho-social support in a safe environment for about 800 children.
“After the earthquake, I was sleeping in the children’s centre tent in Gunung Sitoli with some other street children,” says Basra, a 12-year-old quake survivor. “Then I met a man who was working for the centre and he invited me to join the activities. I like everything about the children’s centre! They helped me to go to school. Now I go every day. I feel relaxed with all the staff. I hope the children’s centre can help me find a solution for my future.”
Along with singing, dancing, football and other organized fun, volunteers at the centres also help children with their schoolwork and emotional problems.
“The children are very sensitive. If we have to postpone any activity, the children think we are angry with them. We have to build their confidence,” says volunteer Astriyana Telaumbanua, who works in the Pusaka at Tabitha camp for families who lost their homes in the earthquake.
Construction of permanent schools
The centres are just one example of UNICEF’s post-earthquake work in Nias. Other activities have included:
* A polio immunization campaign that reached more than 91 per cent of children
* Provision of 26,500 bednets to prevent malaria, with more than 20,000 still to be distributed
* Key support for safe water and sanitation programmes.
In addition, a comprehensive nutrition campaign is about to begin. It will include the treatment of severe malnutrition, de-worming of schoolchildren and children under the age of five, and training on the feeding of infants and young children.
Mr. Halton says UNICEF is now exploring ways to introduce a sustainable livelihoods program in South Nias with the aim of reducing child labour and creating an environment where children can enjoy their right to education and play.
One of the priorities for the remainder of this year will be the construction of 45 new permanent, child-friendly and earthquake-resistant schools. The process of site surveying and design of the first schools is already under way.
“This progressive step is an example of UNICEF’s determination, not only to help communities back on their feet but also to ‘build back better’ in terms of services for children,” explains Mr. Halton.
Taken from UNICEF
PS-I added this article because people seem to have forgotten about helping out with the earthquakes. Come on people, it's going to take yrs for areas affected by natural disasters to get up on their feet again, let's help them!
GUNUNGSITOLI, Indonesia, 10 May 2006 – Well over a year since a violent earthquake shook the island of Nias in Indonesia, killing 800 people and destroying 90 per cent of the infrastructure, UNICEF continues to offer vital protection for children.
Located northwest of Sumatra, Nias was only minimally affected by the December 2004 tsunami in the Indian Ocean – but an earthquake that struck the island on 28 March 2005 measured 8.7 on the Richter scale.
UNICEF was in place to coordinate the emergency relief efforts immediately after the quake. Now the organization is focusing on long-term projects.
Child centres provide security
“Many children are separated from their families for economic or educational reasons,” says UNICEF Assistant Child Protection Officer Patrick Halton. “Institutionalization is common as a means to alleviate financial burden. UNICEF is also aware that children are frequently taken out of Nias by non-relatives, and they may lose contact with their families and be vulnerable to abuse and exploitation.”
To help protect vulnerable children, UNICEF is working with Indonesian legislators to strengthen current child-protection laws, as well as running three child centres in Nias. The centres provide education, recreational activities and psycho-social support in a safe environment for about 800 children.
“After the earthquake, I was sleeping in the children’s centre tent in Gunung Sitoli with some other street children,” says Basra, a 12-year-old quake survivor. “Then I met a man who was working for the centre and he invited me to join the activities. I like everything about the children’s centre! They helped me to go to school. Now I go every day. I feel relaxed with all the staff. I hope the children’s centre can help me find a solution for my future.”
Along with singing, dancing, football and other organized fun, volunteers at the centres also help children with their schoolwork and emotional problems.
“The children are very sensitive. If we have to postpone any activity, the children think we are angry with them. We have to build their confidence,” says volunteer Astriyana Telaumbanua, who works in the Pusaka at Tabitha camp for families who lost their homes in the earthquake.
Construction of permanent schools
The centres are just one example of UNICEF’s post-earthquake work in Nias. Other activities have included:
* A polio immunization campaign that reached more than 91 per cent of children
* Provision of 26,500 bednets to prevent malaria, with more than 20,000 still to be distributed
* Key support for safe water and sanitation programmes.
In addition, a comprehensive nutrition campaign is about to begin. It will include the treatment of severe malnutrition, de-worming of schoolchildren and children under the age of five, and training on the feeding of infants and young children.
Mr. Halton says UNICEF is now exploring ways to introduce a sustainable livelihoods program in South Nias with the aim of reducing child labour and creating an environment where children can enjoy their right to education and play.
One of the priorities for the remainder of this year will be the construction of 45 new permanent, child-friendly and earthquake-resistant schools. The process of site surveying and design of the first schools is already under way.
“This progressive step is an example of UNICEF’s determination, not only to help communities back on their feet but also to ‘build back better’ in terms of services for children,” explains Mr. Halton.
Taken from UNICEF
PS-I added this article because people seem to have forgotten about helping out with the earthquakes. Come on people, it's going to take yrs for areas affected by natural disasters to get up on their feet again, let's help them!
President Ahmadinejad pays tribute to Indonesia's national heroes
Visiting Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad paid tribute to Indonesia's national heroes here Thursday morning.
The president, who arrived in Jakarta Wednesday morning heading a high-ranking politico-economic delegation, has held talks with Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.
On Friday afternoon he is scheduled to fly to the Indonesian island of Bali to attend the fifth summit of the D-8 (Group of 8 developing Muslim countries) set to begin on Saturday.
He and his accompanying delegation early Thursday attended a ceremony to honor Indonesia's national heroes at their burial site in Jakarta, where he laid a wreath of flowers on their tombs and signed a memorial book.
Indonesia, a former Dutch colony, proclaimed independence in 1945 after almost 350 years under colonial rule.
It won independence as a result of the intervention of the British and United Nations Security Council and was granted complete and unconditional sovereignty on December 27, 1949.
The visiting Iranian president is scheduled to visit an Indonesian university later on Thursday and talk with academics and Islamic leaders. He is also scheduled to deliver a speech at the university.
Indonesia, with a population of over 900 million, is the world's most populous Muslim state. It has good relations with Iran and both are members of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC).
During talks Wednesday, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono expressed support for Tehran's legitimate right to access nuclear technology and offered Jakarta's help as a mediator in Tehran's current standoff with the West.
President Ahmadinejad is accompanied by Foreign Minister Manouchehr Mottaki, Minister of Communications and Information Technology Mohammad Soleymani and head of the World Assembly for Proximity of Islamic Schools of Thoughts (WAPIST) Ayatollah Mohammad-Ali Taskhiri.
The D-8 groups the Islamic Republic of Iran, Indonesia, Bangladesh, Egypt, Malaysia, Nigeria, Pakistan and Turkey.
Taken from Islamic Republic News Agency
The president, who arrived in Jakarta Wednesday morning heading a high-ranking politico-economic delegation, has held talks with Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.
On Friday afternoon he is scheduled to fly to the Indonesian island of Bali to attend the fifth summit of the D-8 (Group of 8 developing Muslim countries) set to begin on Saturday.
He and his accompanying delegation early Thursday attended a ceremony to honor Indonesia's national heroes at their burial site in Jakarta, where he laid a wreath of flowers on their tombs and signed a memorial book.
Indonesia, a former Dutch colony, proclaimed independence in 1945 after almost 350 years under colonial rule.
It won independence as a result of the intervention of the British and United Nations Security Council and was granted complete and unconditional sovereignty on December 27, 1949.
The visiting Iranian president is scheduled to visit an Indonesian university later on Thursday and talk with academics and Islamic leaders. He is also scheduled to deliver a speech at the university.
Indonesia, with a population of over 900 million, is the world's most populous Muslim state. It has good relations with Iran and both are members of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC).
During talks Wednesday, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono expressed support for Tehran's legitimate right to access nuclear technology and offered Jakarta's help as a mediator in Tehran's current standoff with the West.
President Ahmadinejad is accompanied by Foreign Minister Manouchehr Mottaki, Minister of Communications and Information Technology Mohammad Soleymani and head of the World Assembly for Proximity of Islamic Schools of Thoughts (WAPIST) Ayatollah Mohammad-Ali Taskhiri.
The D-8 groups the Islamic Republic of Iran, Indonesia, Bangladesh, Egypt, Malaysia, Nigeria, Pakistan and Turkey.
Taken from Islamic Republic News Agency
Official tells how much he got for keys; Gunawan eludes police
A prison official disclosed Wednesday how much he received to help murder convict Gunawan Santosa escape jail last week, police said Wednesday.
Wahyudin was paid no more than Rp 2.5 million (US$278) to slip Gunawan copies of the keys to his cell and the block in Cipinang Penitentiary, East Jakarta, where he was accommodated.
He was reportedly expecting to be paid a lot more after the escape.
Gunawan also promised Wahyudin he would build him a telecommunications kiosk and a pool hall if his escape attempt was successful.
Jakarta Police spokesman Sr. Comr. I Ketut Untung Yoga said inmates were not allowed to keep cash in their cells.
"But each penitentiary has its own rules ... It is possible that prisoners have money and televisions in their cells at the Cipinang prison," he said.
Police said Wahyudin could face a maximum punishment of five years' jail for bribery or four years for assisting in the escape of a prisoner, under the Criminal Code.
However, the head of the penitentiary supervision and control department at the Ministry of Justice and Human Rights, Sahbudin, said prisoners were not permitted to have valuables in their cells.
"It's impossible for detainees to keep money. Someone must have given it to him -- either his visitors or a prison guard, that's what the police must find out," he said, adding that prisoners could not have TVs in their cells.
Police are trying to ascertain who copied the keys. Wahyudin said they were made in a stall located near the prison.
Ketut said if the key maker knew about the jailbreak, he too would face prosecution.
Police have no further leads on Gunawan's present location. His mother's house in Taman Sari, West Jakarta, has been rented to four people who work at nearby malls.
They said their landlady was wealthy and rarely came to collect rent.
Taken from The Jakarta Post
Wahyudin was paid no more than Rp 2.5 million (US$278) to slip Gunawan copies of the keys to his cell and the block in Cipinang Penitentiary, East Jakarta, where he was accommodated.
He was reportedly expecting to be paid a lot more after the escape.
Gunawan also promised Wahyudin he would build him a telecommunications kiosk and a pool hall if his escape attempt was successful.
Jakarta Police spokesman Sr. Comr. I Ketut Untung Yoga said inmates were not allowed to keep cash in their cells.
"But each penitentiary has its own rules ... It is possible that prisoners have money and televisions in their cells at the Cipinang prison," he said.
Police said Wahyudin could face a maximum punishment of five years' jail for bribery or four years for assisting in the escape of a prisoner, under the Criminal Code.
However, the head of the penitentiary supervision and control department at the Ministry of Justice and Human Rights, Sahbudin, said prisoners were not permitted to have valuables in their cells.
"It's impossible for detainees to keep money. Someone must have given it to him -- either his visitors or a prison guard, that's what the police must find out," he said, adding that prisoners could not have TVs in their cells.
Police are trying to ascertain who copied the keys. Wahyudin said they were made in a stall located near the prison.
Ketut said if the key maker knew about the jailbreak, he too would face prosecution.
Police have no further leads on Gunawan's present location. His mother's house in Taman Sari, West Jakarta, has been rented to four people who work at nearby malls.
They said their landlady was wealthy and rarely came to collect rent.
Taken from The Jakarta Post
Soeharto case 'to be dropped'
M. Taufiqurrahman and Tony Hotland, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta
Plans to prosecute former president Sohaerto for corruption "will be dropped", State Secretary Yusril Ihza Mahendra said following a meeting late Wednesday at the Presidential office.
With doctors at the Pertamina Hospital reporting Soeharto's health was improving, a meeting took place between President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Vice President Jusuf Kalla with People's Consultative Assembly Hidayat Nur Wahid, House of Representatives Speaker Agung Laksono, Regional Representative Council head Ginanjar Kartasasmita, Supreme Court Chief Justice Bagir Manan, Supreme Audit Agency chairman Anwar Nasution, Attorney General Abdul Rahman Saleh, Indonesian Military Commander Air Chief Marshal Djoko Suyanto, National Police chief Gen. Sutanto and several Cabinet members.
Speaking shortly before midnight, Yusril said the options regarding Soeharto included granting amnesty and halting all investigations into corruption charges.
While he had said those in attendance agreed the prosecution would be dropped, it is unclear whether the factions in the House will agree to drop the charges against Soeharto.
On Tuesday the attorney general insisted legal proceedings against the ailing former president would continue.
Earlier on Wednesday the People's Consultative Assembly demanded that Soeharto issue a public apology for the excesses of his regime and hand over all of his cash-rich charitable foundations to the state before authorities consider dropping corruption charges against the ailing former leader.
Assembly leaders made their demand Wednesday in response to the debate over whether the state should pursue corruption charges against Soeharto. He will turn 85 in June.
"The family of Pak Harto should hand over the management of the foundations to the state and an apology must be made for all the wrongdoings that he committed against the people of Indonesia," Assembly Speaker Hidayat said at a news conference.
Hidayat said that only after Soeharto met the demands set out by the Assembly leaders should President Yudhoyono or the House make a decision on the possibility of dropping corruption charges against the former leader.
"After these two conditions are met, the President or the House should reach a political breakthrough by drawing up a law to halt the graft probe into Soeharto," Hidayat said.
The speaker added that this law would not apply to Soeharto's family members and cronies.
Hidayat and his three deputy speakers, A.M. Fatwa of the National Mandate Party (PAN) and Moeryati Soedibyo and Aksa Mahmud of the Regional Representatives Council, met to discuss the possibility of scrapping a 1998 Assembly decree on corruption eradication.
The decree, endorsed only months after the 1998 fall of Soeharto, mandates a corruption eradication drive against state officials, former state officials, their families and cronies, including Soeharto.
The decree was issued when the Assembly was still the highest lawmaking body in the country. However, under the amended Constitution the Assembly is now on a par with other state bodies.
Given that position, the Assembly no longer has the authority to rescind the decree on its own, Hidayat said.
A number of politicians, including Vice President Jusuf Kalla and House Deputy Speaker Zainal Ma'arif, have spoken out against the prosecution of Soeharto because of his poor health.
Soeharto remains in intensive care at Pertamina Hospital after undergoing surgery to stop intestinal bleeding.
The former president also suffers from chronic heart, lung and kidney problems, and has suffered several mild strokes.
Soeharto and his family accumulated enormous amounts of wealth during his reign and built a massive rent-seeking network in the form of numerous nonprofit charity foundations.
There are now at least 40 foundations linked to Soeharto and his family, with the largest three being the Dharmais, Dakab and Supersemar foundations.
QUESTION OF SOEHARTO: People's Consultative Assembly Speaker Hidayat Nur Wahid (center), accompanied by deputy speakers Mooryati Soedibyo (left) and AM Fatwa, answers a question Wednesday about the Assembly's stance on proposals to end the prosecution of ailing former president Soeharto.
Taken from The Jakarta Post
Plans to prosecute former president Sohaerto for corruption "will be dropped", State Secretary Yusril Ihza Mahendra said following a meeting late Wednesday at the Presidential office.
With doctors at the Pertamina Hospital reporting Soeharto's health was improving, a meeting took place between President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Vice President Jusuf Kalla with People's Consultative Assembly Hidayat Nur Wahid, House of Representatives Speaker Agung Laksono, Regional Representative Council head Ginanjar Kartasasmita, Supreme Court Chief Justice Bagir Manan, Supreme Audit Agency chairman Anwar Nasution, Attorney General Abdul Rahman Saleh, Indonesian Military Commander Air Chief Marshal Djoko Suyanto, National Police chief Gen. Sutanto and several Cabinet members.
Speaking shortly before midnight, Yusril said the options regarding Soeharto included granting amnesty and halting all investigations into corruption charges.
While he had said those in attendance agreed the prosecution would be dropped, it is unclear whether the factions in the House will agree to drop the charges against Soeharto.
On Tuesday the attorney general insisted legal proceedings against the ailing former president would continue.
Earlier on Wednesday the People's Consultative Assembly demanded that Soeharto issue a public apology for the excesses of his regime and hand over all of his cash-rich charitable foundations to the state before authorities consider dropping corruption charges against the ailing former leader.
Assembly leaders made their demand Wednesday in response to the debate over whether the state should pursue corruption charges against Soeharto. He will turn 85 in June.
"The family of Pak Harto should hand over the management of the foundations to the state and an apology must be made for all the wrongdoings that he committed against the people of Indonesia," Assembly Speaker Hidayat said at a news conference.
Hidayat said that only after Soeharto met the demands set out by the Assembly leaders should President Yudhoyono or the House make a decision on the possibility of dropping corruption charges against the former leader.
"After these two conditions are met, the President or the House should reach a political breakthrough by drawing up a law to halt the graft probe into Soeharto," Hidayat said.
The speaker added that this law would not apply to Soeharto's family members and cronies.
Hidayat and his three deputy speakers, A.M. Fatwa of the National Mandate Party (PAN) and Moeryati Soedibyo and Aksa Mahmud of the Regional Representatives Council, met to discuss the possibility of scrapping a 1998 Assembly decree on corruption eradication.
The decree, endorsed only months after the 1998 fall of Soeharto, mandates a corruption eradication drive against state officials, former state officials, their families and cronies, including Soeharto.
The decree was issued when the Assembly was still the highest lawmaking body in the country. However, under the amended Constitution the Assembly is now on a par with other state bodies.
Given that position, the Assembly no longer has the authority to rescind the decree on its own, Hidayat said.
A number of politicians, including Vice President Jusuf Kalla and House Deputy Speaker Zainal Ma'arif, have spoken out against the prosecution of Soeharto because of his poor health.
Soeharto remains in intensive care at Pertamina Hospital after undergoing surgery to stop intestinal bleeding.
The former president also suffers from chronic heart, lung and kidney problems, and has suffered several mild strokes.
Soeharto and his family accumulated enormous amounts of wealth during his reign and built a massive rent-seeking network in the form of numerous nonprofit charity foundations.
There are now at least 40 foundations linked to Soeharto and his family, with the largest three being the Dharmais, Dakab and Supersemar foundations.
QUESTION OF SOEHARTO: People's Consultative Assembly Speaker Hidayat Nur Wahid (center), accompanied by deputy speakers Mooryati Soedibyo (left) and AM Fatwa, answers a question Wednesday about the Assembly's stance on proposals to end the prosecution of ailing former president Soeharto.
Taken from The Jakarta Post
Martabak Manis Recipe
Ingredients
Crepe
250 gram all purpose flour
1 tsp. instant yeast
150 gram granulated sugar
375 cc warm coconut milk
2 eggs
1/4 tsp. baking soda
Filling
Grated fried nuts
Sesame seeds
Granulated Sugar
Chocolate Sprinkler
Grated Cheddar Cheese
Condensed Milk
Instructions
* Pour in the yeast into the warm coconut milk, stir until well mixed and foamed up, set aside.
* Mix flour and sugar, then pour in the eggs in the middle of the batter. Keep stirring the mixture until all ingredients are well dissolved. Then put in the baking soda and stir the mixture again until well mixed. Set it aside in a room temperature for approximately 15-20 minutes.
* Heat up the non-stick pan that has been smeared with butter/margarine. Pour the mixture in and let it cook until the surface dried up and the outer layer become crispy brown.
* Remove the thick crepe and put on a cutting board.
* Pour granulated sugar on the crepes as well as the condensed milk. Up to your liking, you can pour grated cheese, grated fried nuts, chocolate sprinkler or sesame seeds on the crepe. You can also combine the filling.
* Fold the crepe in to two then cut the crepe into 10-12 pieces.
Taken from Melrose Flowers
Crepe
250 gram all purpose flour
1 tsp. instant yeast
150 gram granulated sugar
375 cc warm coconut milk
2 eggs
1/4 tsp. baking soda
Filling
Grated fried nuts
Sesame seeds
Granulated Sugar
Chocolate Sprinkler
Grated Cheddar Cheese
Condensed Milk
Instructions
* Pour in the yeast into the warm coconut milk, stir until well mixed and foamed up, set aside.
* Mix flour and sugar, then pour in the eggs in the middle of the batter. Keep stirring the mixture until all ingredients are well dissolved. Then put in the baking soda and stir the mixture again until well mixed. Set it aside in a room temperature for approximately 15-20 minutes.
* Heat up the non-stick pan that has been smeared with butter/margarine. Pour the mixture in and let it cook until the surface dried up and the outer layer become crispy brown.
* Remove the thick crepe and put on a cutting board.
* Pour granulated sugar on the crepes as well as the condensed milk. Up to your liking, you can pour grated cheese, grated fried nuts, chocolate sprinkler or sesame seeds on the crepe. You can also combine the filling.
* Fold the crepe in to two then cut the crepe into 10-12 pieces.
Taken from Melrose Flowers
Indonesian Pastries
I'm actually unsure as to whether we are allowed to insert news and cultural information about food, even though we discussed it. But I'm going to do it anyway as I have a craving for Martabak Manis. (A martabak manis/terang bulan recipe will come in the next post).
This is taken from Inside Jakarta.
Dutch influence on Indonesian pastries is very palpable. Cakes, chocolates, and cookies made from butter and flours in Indonesia were introduced by the Dutch. Before Dutch colonization, flour consumption was nil in Indonesia. Due to skyrocketing prices of flour and butter in Indonesia, these are commonly consumed by middle and upper-class citizens. Thus, these can be found mostly in bakeries, supermarkets, and restaurants.
"Jajanan pasar", which literally means marketplace snacks, are normally made from brown sugar and rice flour. The latter can indeed, be discovered in all Indonesian traditional marketplaces. These days, some bakeries and supermarkets market them. Note these are not carried by most restaurants. Hence, the best way of finding them is to hunt them in traditional marketplaces. Food courts in malls sometimes carry these, too.
Note that, "kue" or cakes always taste sweet. Indonesians refer to cookies as "kue kering" or dry cakes. "Kue basah" or moist cakes, include "jajanan pasar" (which are not cookies). Other cakes, like tiramisu or chocolate cake, are called tiramisu cakes (kue tiramisu) or chocolate cakes (kue coklat). Salty finger foods have their own names, such as kroket, lemper, combro, etc.
Despite their popularities in Indonesia, finger foods, cookies, and jajanan pasar are not served for formal events, such as weddings. However, these are served for semi-formal events, such as arisan (in short, his is normally a female gathering).
Types of pastries
Kroket, tastes salty. Made from potato, meat, carrot. This is an example of Dutch influence on Indonesian pastries. This is eaten as a finger food in Indonesia; this is not a condiment designed to flavor rice.
Kue cucur, tastes sweet. No fillings. Made from brown sugar and rice flour. This is a jajanan pasar.
Lemper tastes salty. Made from glutinous rice and chicken, then wrapped in banana leaves.
Martabak Manis tastes sweet. Made from flour, butter, sugar. Fillings include cheese, chocolate sprinkles, peanuts, sugar, fruits (your choice). This is an exception, where you don't call this kue, although this is made from butter and flour. This is simply called Martabak Manis.
Kue nastart tastes sweet with pineapple inside. Another example of Dutch influence on Indonesian pastries.
Kue kepang tastes sweet. Made from brown sugar and flour.
Kue sus tastes sweet with soft cream fillings inside. Yet another example of Dutch influence on Indonesian pastries. Very similar to Belgian cream puffs.
Kue serabi Must pour liquid brown sugar on it. Otherwise, it tastes plain. I think this is the most popular "jajanan pasar" in Indonesia.
This is taken from Inside Jakarta.
Dutch influence on Indonesian pastries is very palpable. Cakes, chocolates, and cookies made from butter and flours in Indonesia were introduced by the Dutch. Before Dutch colonization, flour consumption was nil in Indonesia. Due to skyrocketing prices of flour and butter in Indonesia, these are commonly consumed by middle and upper-class citizens. Thus, these can be found mostly in bakeries, supermarkets, and restaurants.
"Jajanan pasar", which literally means marketplace snacks, are normally made from brown sugar and rice flour. The latter can indeed, be discovered in all Indonesian traditional marketplaces. These days, some bakeries and supermarkets market them. Note these are not carried by most restaurants. Hence, the best way of finding them is to hunt them in traditional marketplaces. Food courts in malls sometimes carry these, too.
Note that, "kue" or cakes always taste sweet. Indonesians refer to cookies as "kue kering" or dry cakes. "Kue basah" or moist cakes, include "jajanan pasar" (which are not cookies). Other cakes, like tiramisu or chocolate cake, are called tiramisu cakes (kue tiramisu) or chocolate cakes (kue coklat). Salty finger foods have their own names, such as kroket, lemper, combro, etc.
Despite their popularities in Indonesia, finger foods, cookies, and jajanan pasar are not served for formal events, such as weddings. However, these are served for semi-formal events, such as arisan (in short, his is normally a female gathering).
Types of pastries
Kroket, tastes salty. Made from potato, meat, carrot. This is an example of Dutch influence on Indonesian pastries. This is eaten as a finger food in Indonesia; this is not a condiment designed to flavor rice.
Kue cucur, tastes sweet. No fillings. Made from brown sugar and rice flour. This is a jajanan pasar.
Lemper tastes salty. Made from glutinous rice and chicken, then wrapped in banana leaves.
Martabak Manis tastes sweet. Made from flour, butter, sugar. Fillings include cheese, chocolate sprinkles, peanuts, sugar, fruits (your choice). This is an exception, where you don't call this kue, although this is made from butter and flour. This is simply called Martabak Manis.
Kue nastart tastes sweet with pineapple inside. Another example of Dutch influence on Indonesian pastries.
Kue kepang tastes sweet. Made from brown sugar and flour.
Kue sus tastes sweet with soft cream fillings inside. Yet another example of Dutch influence on Indonesian pastries. Very similar to Belgian cream puffs.
Kue serabi Must pour liquid brown sugar on it. Otherwise, it tastes plain. I think this is the most popular "jajanan pasar" in Indonesia.
Monday, April 03, 2006
A shared vision: Portraits of Islamic women from different centuries and different organisations
By Eka Srimulyani and Siti Syamsiyatun
Islamic women have become much more prominent in public life in recent years, as the constraints of New Order authoritarianism fade into memory. New Islamic women’s organisations have been established, and publications on gender and Islam have appeared. The older established mass Islamic organisations Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) have also begun promoting ideas about the empowerment of women.
Although the issue of gender in the modern context is increasingly being recognised, there is still a dearth of public knowledge about Muslim women from both the past and the present. This is not because there are no women worthy of our attention. Rather, it is because such women have not received the same public recognition as their male peers, perhaps because they come from a community tradition which does not focus on the role of women.
The two biographies below seek to correct this historical record and celebrate the lives of Nyai Khoiriyah Hasyim and Siti Ruhaini Dzhayatin. These two Muslim women come from different generations and different organisations, but they share the ideal of dedicated service to the women of their communities. By espousing ideas for the empowerment of women, and pioneering schools for girls, these women are role models for other Muslim women to follow. Both have played public roles in their organisations NU and Muhammadiyah respectively. And both have used community organisations such as NGOs and majelis taklim (Islamic learning circles) as vehicles for spreading their views.
Nyai Khoiriyah Hasyim: advocate of women’s education
Khoiriyah was born in 1906 in Tebuireng, Jombang, East Java, the daughter of Kiyai Hasyim Asy’ary and Nyai Nafiqah. Her father was the founder of the Tebuireng pesantren (Islamic boarding school) and later of NU. Throughout her life Khoiriyah was active in Muslimat NU, the women’s section of NU.
Her family background, particularly her father’s role as an Islamic teacher, gave Khoiriyah an opportunity to study religious teachings in a period when this was extremely rare for a girl. Pesantren did not accept girls as pupils, so the young Khoiriyah followed her father’s lessons from behind a screen as he taught the male students.
Khoiriyah married Maksum Ali, one of her father’s pupils, while still a teenager. In 1921, the pair founded the Salafiyah pesantren in the village of Seblak, and when her husband died in 1933, Khoiriyah continued the leadership of the Seblak pesantren alone. In 1937, following her second marriage to Kiyai Muhaimin, an Indonesian ulama (teacher), she left Indonesia for Mecca. The leadership of the Seblak pesantren passed to her daughter and son-in-law.
Khoiriyah lived in Mecca for 19 years. In 1942, she founded a pioneering school for girls – Madrasah Banat. She believed that through education, women could be liberated from their ignorance. After her second husband died, Khoiriyah met President Sukarno in Mecca. He invited her to return to Indonesia to develop the nation. In 1956, she returned to Jombang where she resumed leadership of the Seblak pesantren, using the experience and knowledge she had gained in Mecca to further develop it. Girls from Jakarta and other regions in Indonesia came to study there.
The Seblak pesantren, which when founded had only male pupils, became the most respected pesantren for girls. In 1964, Khoiriyah opened a kindergarten within the pesantren. In addition to being the director of the Seblak pesantren, she also took over the role of director of the Tebuireng pesantren in the transitional period in 1965.
Khoiriyah was not only actively involved in pesantren educational institutions, but also taught in a number of majelis taklim. Because she was so active, one of her grandchildren relates that she had her own special becak (bicycle rickshaw), with a personal chauffeur, who was always ready to take her to different places to give lessons. Together with the other women of Muslimat NU, she also pioneered a medical centre at Tebuireng under the supervision of Dr Sudioto.
In addition to her teaching, Khoiriyah also published articles about religion – something rarely done by anyone in that time, let alone a woman. One of these, ‘Main points of a lecture: the understanding of mazahib (school of Islamic law) and tolerance’, was published by the magazine Gema Islam in August 1962.
In 1970, on the advice of Dr Sudioto, Khoiriyah retired to Surabaya for health reasons, although she remained actively involved in educational work there. From 1972 to 1979, she was involved in the organisation of the educational foundation, Khadijah. She also pioneered the founding of a women’s Islamic study group, Yasmara, in Surabaya, where she regularly taught classic Islamic literature.
Khoiriyah died on 2 July 1983 and was buried in the family graveyard at the Tebuireng pesantren in Jombang. Despite the traditional seclusion of women her achievements in education were outstanding, as was her service to a community which was still very patriarchal.
Siti Ruhaini Dzuhayatin: towards just relationships
Siti Ruhaini Dzuhayatin is one of Indonesia’s leading Muslim women thinkers. She plays a key role in the development of the discourse on gender and Islam in Indonesia today. Ruhaini began promoting ideas about gender perspectives in the interpretation of Islamic law during the 1990s, when large religious bodies and women’s organisations were still reluctant to examine gender issues in Islam. Ruhaini developed her feminist ideas through a variety of different sources and activities: from academic thinking, student groups, mass organisations and NGOs.
Ruhaini was born in 1963 in Blora, Central Java, and grew up in a Muhammadiyah family that provided an egalitarian education to both sons and daughters. She was grateful to her parents for this upbringing, and it inspired her to fight for women’s rights, a resolve which sharpened as she grew older and developed greater life experience.
Of her mother, Ruhaini relates: ‘My mother was an independent women, and I later wondered how she could be like that. She was the principal of a primary school, but she had also inherited a reasonable amount of land and wealth from my grandfather, who was a lurah (village head). Because she was independent, Mother had a fairly strong bargaining position with our father. She was insistent about our education.’
While still at primary school, Ruhaini joined in the prayer meetings, sport and singing activities of Nasyiatul Aisyiyah, the women’s organisation of Muhammadiyah. She continued her education at the Pabelan pesantren in Magelang for six years, where she first became concerned about gender discrimination. When studying religious texts, for example, Ruhaini began to ask her teachers for explanations of teachings that she felt discriminated against women. She also questioned the wisdom of the kiyai, who did not allow female pupils to join boys in events such as the Scout and Guide Jamboree, which took place outside the pesantren.
Ruhaini began to articulate her concerns about gender injustice when she was a student at the Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic Institute (IAIN) in Yogyakarta. While studying in the Faculty of Syariah (Islamic law), she criticised much accepted theological writing as being a misogynist interpretation of the Qur’an and hadith. Ruhaini was also active at this time in the Islamic Students Association (HMI).
After graduating as the top student in the Faculty of Syariah, Ruhaini became a lecturer at her university; and later received a Master of Arts from Monash University. Her studies in Australia allowed her to add another academic tool, western social theory, to her knowledge of Islamic law. This equipped her to better analyse gender inequality in fiqih (Islamic jurisprudence). As a lecturer in the Faculty of Syariah, Ruhaini was also active in the Women’s Study Centre at university, which from the mid 1990s became the backbone of the movement to mainstream gender at the IAIN university.
Not fully satisfied with her academic work, Ruhaini was also active in the community. Together with other Muslim activists, she founded an NGO to help women victims of violence, the Rifka Annisa Women’s Crisis Centre in Yogyakarta. In 1995 Ruhaini again became involved with the women’s organisation of Muhammadiyah as a member of a prayer institute, several years after she had broken ties with it. There, Ruhaini and her friends began to formulate a gender policy for the organisation and strategic steps to implement it. In the same year, Ruhaini was also chosen to become a member of the Tarjih Council, the function of which is to issue rulings on doctrinal issues. She was also chosen as a member of Muhammadiyah’s Council on the Development of Islamic Thought, which is one of the sources of religious authority for the Muslim community in Indonesia. The religious views or fatwa of Muhammadiyah are also issued by this body.
Within the Muhammadiyah environment, Ruhaini avoids using the language of western feminism, preferring religious terms that are known and understood by the community. A relationship between a husband and wife is described as ‘makruf’ (good and appropriate) and a relationship between a man and woman as ‘adil’ (just), equal and in harmony. Ruhaini and her friends’ willingness to compromise in re-joining Nasyiatul Aisyiyah has already borne significant results: Muhammadiyah now includes women in the Tarjih Council in executive positions, and at all leadership levels from the village to the national level.
Taken from Inside Indonesia
Islamic women have become much more prominent in public life in recent years, as the constraints of New Order authoritarianism fade into memory. New Islamic women’s organisations have been established, and publications on gender and Islam have appeared. The older established mass Islamic organisations Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) have also begun promoting ideas about the empowerment of women.
Although the issue of gender in the modern context is increasingly being recognised, there is still a dearth of public knowledge about Muslim women from both the past and the present. This is not because there are no women worthy of our attention. Rather, it is because such women have not received the same public recognition as their male peers, perhaps because they come from a community tradition which does not focus on the role of women.
The two biographies below seek to correct this historical record and celebrate the lives of Nyai Khoiriyah Hasyim and Siti Ruhaini Dzhayatin. These two Muslim women come from different generations and different organisations, but they share the ideal of dedicated service to the women of their communities. By espousing ideas for the empowerment of women, and pioneering schools for girls, these women are role models for other Muslim women to follow. Both have played public roles in their organisations NU and Muhammadiyah respectively. And both have used community organisations such as NGOs and majelis taklim (Islamic learning circles) as vehicles for spreading their views.
Nyai Khoiriyah Hasyim: advocate of women’s education
Khoiriyah was born in 1906 in Tebuireng, Jombang, East Java, the daughter of Kiyai Hasyim Asy’ary and Nyai Nafiqah. Her father was the founder of the Tebuireng pesantren (Islamic boarding school) and later of NU. Throughout her life Khoiriyah was active in Muslimat NU, the women’s section of NU.
Her family background, particularly her father’s role as an Islamic teacher, gave Khoiriyah an opportunity to study religious teachings in a period when this was extremely rare for a girl. Pesantren did not accept girls as pupils, so the young Khoiriyah followed her father’s lessons from behind a screen as he taught the male students.
Khoiriyah married Maksum Ali, one of her father’s pupils, while still a teenager. In 1921, the pair founded the Salafiyah pesantren in the village of Seblak, and when her husband died in 1933, Khoiriyah continued the leadership of the Seblak pesantren alone. In 1937, following her second marriage to Kiyai Muhaimin, an Indonesian ulama (teacher), she left Indonesia for Mecca. The leadership of the Seblak pesantren passed to her daughter and son-in-law.
Khoiriyah lived in Mecca for 19 years. In 1942, she founded a pioneering school for girls – Madrasah Banat. She believed that through education, women could be liberated from their ignorance. After her second husband died, Khoiriyah met President Sukarno in Mecca. He invited her to return to Indonesia to develop the nation. In 1956, she returned to Jombang where she resumed leadership of the Seblak pesantren, using the experience and knowledge she had gained in Mecca to further develop it. Girls from Jakarta and other regions in Indonesia came to study there.
The Seblak pesantren, which when founded had only male pupils, became the most respected pesantren for girls. In 1964, Khoiriyah opened a kindergarten within the pesantren. In addition to being the director of the Seblak pesantren, she also took over the role of director of the Tebuireng pesantren in the transitional period in 1965.
Khoiriyah was not only actively involved in pesantren educational institutions, but also taught in a number of majelis taklim. Because she was so active, one of her grandchildren relates that she had her own special becak (bicycle rickshaw), with a personal chauffeur, who was always ready to take her to different places to give lessons. Together with the other women of Muslimat NU, she also pioneered a medical centre at Tebuireng under the supervision of Dr Sudioto.
In addition to her teaching, Khoiriyah also published articles about religion – something rarely done by anyone in that time, let alone a woman. One of these, ‘Main points of a lecture: the understanding of mazahib (school of Islamic law) and tolerance’, was published by the magazine Gema Islam in August 1962.
In 1970, on the advice of Dr Sudioto, Khoiriyah retired to Surabaya for health reasons, although she remained actively involved in educational work there. From 1972 to 1979, she was involved in the organisation of the educational foundation, Khadijah. She also pioneered the founding of a women’s Islamic study group, Yasmara, in Surabaya, where she regularly taught classic Islamic literature.
Khoiriyah died on 2 July 1983 and was buried in the family graveyard at the Tebuireng pesantren in Jombang. Despite the traditional seclusion of women her achievements in education were outstanding, as was her service to a community which was still very patriarchal.
Siti Ruhaini Dzuhayatin: towards just relationships
Siti Ruhaini Dzuhayatin is one of Indonesia’s leading Muslim women thinkers. She plays a key role in the development of the discourse on gender and Islam in Indonesia today. Ruhaini began promoting ideas about gender perspectives in the interpretation of Islamic law during the 1990s, when large religious bodies and women’s organisations were still reluctant to examine gender issues in Islam. Ruhaini developed her feminist ideas through a variety of different sources and activities: from academic thinking, student groups, mass organisations and NGOs.
Ruhaini was born in 1963 in Blora, Central Java, and grew up in a Muhammadiyah family that provided an egalitarian education to both sons and daughters. She was grateful to her parents for this upbringing, and it inspired her to fight for women’s rights, a resolve which sharpened as she grew older and developed greater life experience.
Of her mother, Ruhaini relates: ‘My mother was an independent women, and I later wondered how she could be like that. She was the principal of a primary school, but she had also inherited a reasonable amount of land and wealth from my grandfather, who was a lurah (village head). Because she was independent, Mother had a fairly strong bargaining position with our father. She was insistent about our education.’
While still at primary school, Ruhaini joined in the prayer meetings, sport and singing activities of Nasyiatul Aisyiyah, the women’s organisation of Muhammadiyah. She continued her education at the Pabelan pesantren in Magelang for six years, where she first became concerned about gender discrimination. When studying religious texts, for example, Ruhaini began to ask her teachers for explanations of teachings that she felt discriminated against women. She also questioned the wisdom of the kiyai, who did not allow female pupils to join boys in events such as the Scout and Guide Jamboree, which took place outside the pesantren.
Ruhaini began to articulate her concerns about gender injustice when she was a student at the Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic Institute (IAIN) in Yogyakarta. While studying in the Faculty of Syariah (Islamic law), she criticised much accepted theological writing as being a misogynist interpretation of the Qur’an and hadith. Ruhaini was also active at this time in the Islamic Students Association (HMI).
After graduating as the top student in the Faculty of Syariah, Ruhaini became a lecturer at her university; and later received a Master of Arts from Monash University. Her studies in Australia allowed her to add another academic tool, western social theory, to her knowledge of Islamic law. This equipped her to better analyse gender inequality in fiqih (Islamic jurisprudence). As a lecturer in the Faculty of Syariah, Ruhaini was also active in the Women’s Study Centre at university, which from the mid 1990s became the backbone of the movement to mainstream gender at the IAIN university.
Not fully satisfied with her academic work, Ruhaini was also active in the community. Together with other Muslim activists, she founded an NGO to help women victims of violence, the Rifka Annisa Women’s Crisis Centre in Yogyakarta. In 1995 Ruhaini again became involved with the women’s organisation of Muhammadiyah as a member of a prayer institute, several years after she had broken ties with it. There, Ruhaini and her friends began to formulate a gender policy for the organisation and strategic steps to implement it. In the same year, Ruhaini was also chosen to become a member of the Tarjih Council, the function of which is to issue rulings on doctrinal issues. She was also chosen as a member of Muhammadiyah’s Council on the Development of Islamic Thought, which is one of the sources of religious authority for the Muslim community in Indonesia. The religious views or fatwa of Muhammadiyah are also issued by this body.
Within the Muhammadiyah environment, Ruhaini avoids using the language of western feminism, preferring religious terms that are known and understood by the community. A relationship between a husband and wife is described as ‘makruf’ (good and appropriate) and a relationship between a man and woman as ‘adil’ (just), equal and in harmony. Ruhaini and her friends’ willingness to compromise in re-joining Nasyiatul Aisyiyah has already borne significant results: Muhammadiyah now includes women in the Tarjih Council in executive positions, and at all leadership levels from the village to the national level.
Taken from Inside Indonesia
Foreign F&B chains flourish amid changing tastes
By Ary Hermawan, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta
Doni Danika Putera was eager to open a Starbucks coffee shop in Balikpapan, East Kalimantan. "The number of expats working for foreign companies in Balikpapan has increased significantly. It is definitely a promising market," the sales manager of a car leasing company told The Jakarta Post on the sidelines of a seminar on the food and beverage (F&B) industry here recently.
That day, Doni, whose father and brothers have long been working in the car sales business, finally had the chance to talk with Anthony Cottan, the director of PT Sari Kopi, the franchisee for Starbucks Coffee in the country.
But before he was able to to into detail on how to make a nice and cozy coffee shop, Cottan gave him a disappointing answer.
"I was just told that the London-based coffee shop did not sub-franchise," he told the Post. "It's OK, I think I'll open a modern bread store, perhaps BreadTalk," he said, considering the current trend toward globalization.
Globalization -- no matter how cliche the word is today -- has changed everything in people's lives, including in taste in food and drink.
As Indonesian traditional warteg (Tegal food stalls) and warkop (coffee shops) become more and more marginalized and pejoratively identified as "proletarian" bistros, global brands in the F&B industry such as Pizza Hut, Hard Rock Cafe, McDonald's, BreadTalk and Starbucks are rapidly growing in urban areas and their surroundings.
Foreign -- or shall we call them modern -- F&B outlets have become more accepted and are now mushrooming in every corner in major cities.
Starbucks is currently seeking new locations outside Java for its new coffee shops, while BreadTalk is set to open 10 more stores in Jakarta and Manado this year.
"We just opened a new store in Makassar (South Sulawesi) two weeks ago," PT Talkindo Salaksa Anugrah managing director Johnny Andrean told the Post.
Talkindo, the franchisee for BreadTalk and J.Co. Donut & Cofee in the country, has opened 18 BreadTalk stores in Jakarta, Bandung, Surabaya and Bali.
Johnny, a successful hair stylist before entering the franchise business, admitted that competition in the F&B industry was extremely fierce today not only for local players but also for international brands such as BreadTalk.
According to the Forum of License Holders of Franchisors, there are currently more than 100 foreign F&B companies that have franchised their businesses in Indonesia. Meanwhile, the number of local F&B franchisors has now reached 70.
The forum said the total sales in the country's franchise F&B business last year reached more Rp 15 trillion (US$1.6 billion).
"We have to be smart in looking at all the opportunities," Johnny said.
F&B is a lucrative business and offers higher profits with lower capital in spite of higher risks. As people spend most of their time outside their home, the competition in the F&B industry is getting tougher than ever.
F&B companies, of course, are trying to attract customers here in many ways, including offering dishes to suit local tastes. Branding does matter but taste never lies.
Many foreign restaurants have modified their products to better suit the local taste. Hard Rock Cafe, for instance, has substituted barbecued pork ribs to beef ribs.
"It's impossible to sell pork ribs here," said Yoris Sebastian, head of F&B division MRA Group, which holds the franchise for Hard Rock Cafe. "You may think globally, but you must act locally."
It's been a different case for Starbucks.
"Starbucks has been fortunate that the concept of drinking coffee and the whole experience of it is universally accepted," Cottan said.
People from Indonesia, Taiwan, China, Japan, and Switzerland say that the experience of enjoying high quality coffee in good surroundings with good service is universally accepted. Everybody deserves it."
He said that Jakarta is no different from other cities in the world. "People here work very hard. They are facing difficult conditions such as traffic jams every day. They need relaxation; they need a reward," he said.
That's why, when the first Starbucks outlet opened in 2002, Anthony had no worries at all. "We're glad that we have done a great job in Indonesia," he said. PT Sari Kopi currently manages and operates 38 coffee shops in Jakarta, Bandung, Medan, Surabaya and Bali.
When asked if he had any plan to localize his products, Cottan said it was unlikely. "For beverages, we don't usually localize, but sometimes in the region it could be a good idea. Like green tea cappuccino; green tea is very Asian," he said.
After all, he added, "we're just a big warung kopi."
"It's the same thing. You have a man who makes the coffee for you, (whether it is) kopi tubruk or cappuccino. Kopi tubruk (unfiltered coffee), Cottan said, was another way of saying Turkish coffee.
For Yoris, who has worked at Hard Rock Cafe for more than 10 years, good marketing is the key to success in the F&B business.
"You just have to be unique; you have to be different." he said, adding that good location might be less important if "you have a good marketing strategy."
"Many food stalls are crowded with customers though they don't have a parking lot," he said.
He added that new players in the F&B business should spend at least 15 percent of their budget on marketing. "We usually spare 2.5 to 7 percent of our budget to maintain the brand," he said.
Hard Rock Cafes in Jakarta and Bali have become the icon of a modern food stall that offers not only food and beverages but throws in the added attraction of celebrities and music.
Meanwhile, Cottan said that good location was an important aspect in the F&B business.
"You have to do a study first before deciding to open a restaurant," he said. Starbucks coffee shops are mostly located in high traffic areas such as office buildings and malls.
"You can't simply open a restaurant in Bumi Serpong Damai (Tangerang, Banten) where people are in Jakarta by day and too tired to hang out at night when they get home," he said.
Taken from The Jakarta Post
Doni Danika Putera was eager to open a Starbucks coffee shop in Balikpapan, East Kalimantan. "The number of expats working for foreign companies in Balikpapan has increased significantly. It is definitely a promising market," the sales manager of a car leasing company told The Jakarta Post on the sidelines of a seminar on the food and beverage (F&B) industry here recently.
That day, Doni, whose father and brothers have long been working in the car sales business, finally had the chance to talk with Anthony Cottan, the director of PT Sari Kopi, the franchisee for Starbucks Coffee in the country.
But before he was able to to into detail on how to make a nice and cozy coffee shop, Cottan gave him a disappointing answer.
"I was just told that the London-based coffee shop did not sub-franchise," he told the Post. "It's OK, I think I'll open a modern bread store, perhaps BreadTalk," he said, considering the current trend toward globalization.
Globalization -- no matter how cliche the word is today -- has changed everything in people's lives, including in taste in food and drink.
As Indonesian traditional warteg (Tegal food stalls) and warkop (coffee shops) become more and more marginalized and pejoratively identified as "proletarian" bistros, global brands in the F&B industry such as Pizza Hut, Hard Rock Cafe, McDonald's, BreadTalk and Starbucks are rapidly growing in urban areas and their surroundings.
Foreign -- or shall we call them modern -- F&B outlets have become more accepted and are now mushrooming in every corner in major cities.
Starbucks is currently seeking new locations outside Java for its new coffee shops, while BreadTalk is set to open 10 more stores in Jakarta and Manado this year.
"We just opened a new store in Makassar (South Sulawesi) two weeks ago," PT Talkindo Salaksa Anugrah managing director Johnny Andrean told the Post.
Talkindo, the franchisee for BreadTalk and J.Co. Donut & Cofee in the country, has opened 18 BreadTalk stores in Jakarta, Bandung, Surabaya and Bali.
Johnny, a successful hair stylist before entering the franchise business, admitted that competition in the F&B industry was extremely fierce today not only for local players but also for international brands such as BreadTalk.
According to the Forum of License Holders of Franchisors, there are currently more than 100 foreign F&B companies that have franchised their businesses in Indonesia. Meanwhile, the number of local F&B franchisors has now reached 70.
The forum said the total sales in the country's franchise F&B business last year reached more Rp 15 trillion (US$1.6 billion).
"We have to be smart in looking at all the opportunities," Johnny said.
F&B is a lucrative business and offers higher profits with lower capital in spite of higher risks. As people spend most of their time outside their home, the competition in the F&B industry is getting tougher than ever.
F&B companies, of course, are trying to attract customers here in many ways, including offering dishes to suit local tastes. Branding does matter but taste never lies.
Many foreign restaurants have modified their products to better suit the local taste. Hard Rock Cafe, for instance, has substituted barbecued pork ribs to beef ribs.
"It's impossible to sell pork ribs here," said Yoris Sebastian, head of F&B division MRA Group, which holds the franchise for Hard Rock Cafe. "You may think globally, but you must act locally."
It's been a different case for Starbucks.
"Starbucks has been fortunate that the concept of drinking coffee and the whole experience of it is universally accepted," Cottan said.
People from Indonesia, Taiwan, China, Japan, and Switzerland say that the experience of enjoying high quality coffee in good surroundings with good service is universally accepted. Everybody deserves it."
He said that Jakarta is no different from other cities in the world. "People here work very hard. They are facing difficult conditions such as traffic jams every day. They need relaxation; they need a reward," he said.
That's why, when the first Starbucks outlet opened in 2002, Anthony had no worries at all. "We're glad that we have done a great job in Indonesia," he said. PT Sari Kopi currently manages and operates 38 coffee shops in Jakarta, Bandung, Medan, Surabaya and Bali.
When asked if he had any plan to localize his products, Cottan said it was unlikely. "For beverages, we don't usually localize, but sometimes in the region it could be a good idea. Like green tea cappuccino; green tea is very Asian," he said.
After all, he added, "we're just a big warung kopi."
"It's the same thing. You have a man who makes the coffee for you, (whether it is) kopi tubruk or cappuccino. Kopi tubruk (unfiltered coffee), Cottan said, was another way of saying Turkish coffee.
For Yoris, who has worked at Hard Rock Cafe for more than 10 years, good marketing is the key to success in the F&B business.
"You just have to be unique; you have to be different." he said, adding that good location might be less important if "you have a good marketing strategy."
"Many food stalls are crowded with customers though they don't have a parking lot," he said.
He added that new players in the F&B business should spend at least 15 percent of their budget on marketing. "We usually spare 2.5 to 7 percent of our budget to maintain the brand," he said.
Hard Rock Cafes in Jakarta and Bali have become the icon of a modern food stall that offers not only food and beverages but throws in the added attraction of celebrities and music.
Meanwhile, Cottan said that good location was an important aspect in the F&B business.
"You have to do a study first before deciding to open a restaurant," he said. Starbucks coffee shops are mostly located in high traffic areas such as office buildings and malls.
"You can't simply open a restaurant in Bumi Serpong Damai (Tangerang, Banten) where people are in Jakarta by day and too tired to hang out at night when they get home," he said.
Taken from The Jakarta Post
Indonesian diplomacy: Much ado about nothing
By J. Soedjati Djiwandono, Jakarta
Never has Indonesian diplomacy shown its clumsiness and short-sightedness more clearly than in dealing with the current issue of 43 asylum seekers from Papua in Australia. In accordance with the laws of the country, the Australian government has given a three-year visa to 42 of them, pending a decision on granting the asylum status they had expected. There is nothing we can do about it, whether we like the law or not.
To quickly recall our ambassador did not seem a well-considered action, as if we were faced with a deep crisis or the threat of war. Indeed, we should have been grateful on behalf of our own people. After all, it is a basic human right for anyone to leave one's country, for whatever reason, as long as there is another country willing to receive them.
The Universal Declaration of Human Rights contains the following articles: "Everyone has the right to leave any country, including his own, and to return to his country" [Article 13, (2)], and "Everyone has the right to seek and to enjoy in other countries asylum from persecution" [Article 14 (1)]. Indeed, his government may deny that he has suffered persecution. The point is that he perceives himself as having been persecuted.
It is outrageous to accuse the 43 Papuans of not being "nationalistic" or being "unpatriotic". In the first place, nationalism is an outdated and irrelevant concept, particularly in referring to a nation-state like Indonesia. Nationalism was relevant in the age of colonialism or foreign domination and occupation.
The most we can expect from citizens of a nation-state is patriotism, loyalty to, and perhaps love for one's country. But patriotism cannot be taken for granted. One will be proud of one's country or if you like, patriotic, if it delivers the goods, which is general welfare (including security) based on justice, for that is the ultimate goal of the establishment of a nation-state.
The sacrosanct Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia and even national unity, serve only as intermediate goals, and therefore just a means to achieving the ideal of general welfare based on justice. Neither is an end in itself. National pride or patriotism can never be promoted or nourished by the waving of the red-and-white national flag, or playing the national anthem and other nationalistic songs, fiery speeches and public ceremonies.
Nationalism or patriotism cannot be expected when citizens suffer from poverty, injustice, and a feeling of insecurity. To be a citizen of a nation-state is not necessarily one's own choice, we become a citizen by birth in most cases.
Still, if one feels dissatisfied with one's country because it fails to deliver the goods, then it is a person's right to leave, as long as there is another state willing to accept him or her whether through visa, green cards, asylum, etc. The reasons for leaving may include some form of injustice or discrimination, or a violation of one's fundamental human rights, whether they be religious, ethnic, racial, or political in nature.
In fact, what the Australian government has done for those Papuans was a humanitarian gesture. And humanity is of higher value than nationalism or patriotism. Indeed, nationalism in our Constitution is also to be understood in the context of humanism or humanity.
Under the present government, which has tended to pamper the rich and the elite but to trample on the poor and the downtrodden, such a feeling of injustice and insecurity is rampant among the common people everywhere, even in the country's capital and other big cities where people tend to take the law into their own hands. The government has not necessarily engaged in gross violations of human rights, but in many cases it tolerates violations of human rights by violent masses, which are no part of the state's security apparatus.
Indeed, geographic proximity does not guarantee easy relations between neighboring countries. On the contrary, it may be a hindrance to good and friendly relations. It tends to give rise to undue expectations. Consciously or otherwise, Indonesians tend to expect Australia to understand Indonesia better than the United States and, therefore, to be more tolerant and less critical toward Indonesia.
Geographic proximity also tends to create certain perceptions. Because of its sheer size in terms of its territory and population, Indonesia is often perceived by Australians as a potential security threat. Officially, Indonesia often expresses its resentment, although at the same time such a perception may be a way of massaging its own ego.
It is comforting that the government has not been encouraged by emotional suggestions to sever diplomatic relations with Australia. Not only would it make it even harder to seek amicable mutual understanding. It would be even harder to restore relations later. Even the summoning of our envoy from Canberra has certainly reduced the chances of cordial communications. It may even be embarrassing to send him back to his post immediately.
As neither side would like to see a further worsening of relations, it would be wise for both sides to cool down, to start normal and orderly diplomatic communications for the sake of mutual understanding, a speedy solution, and the return to normal and friendly relations. Too much is at stake, and neither side will benefit from the continued tension between the two neighbors.
Taken from The Jakarta Post
Never has Indonesian diplomacy shown its clumsiness and short-sightedness more clearly than in dealing with the current issue of 43 asylum seekers from Papua in Australia. In accordance with the laws of the country, the Australian government has given a three-year visa to 42 of them, pending a decision on granting the asylum status they had expected. There is nothing we can do about it, whether we like the law or not.
To quickly recall our ambassador did not seem a well-considered action, as if we were faced with a deep crisis or the threat of war. Indeed, we should have been grateful on behalf of our own people. After all, it is a basic human right for anyone to leave one's country, for whatever reason, as long as there is another country willing to receive them.
The Universal Declaration of Human Rights contains the following articles: "Everyone has the right to leave any country, including his own, and to return to his country" [Article 13, (2)], and "Everyone has the right to seek and to enjoy in other countries asylum from persecution" [Article 14 (1)]. Indeed, his government may deny that he has suffered persecution. The point is that he perceives himself as having been persecuted.
It is outrageous to accuse the 43 Papuans of not being "nationalistic" or being "unpatriotic". In the first place, nationalism is an outdated and irrelevant concept, particularly in referring to a nation-state like Indonesia. Nationalism was relevant in the age of colonialism or foreign domination and occupation.
The most we can expect from citizens of a nation-state is patriotism, loyalty to, and perhaps love for one's country. But patriotism cannot be taken for granted. One will be proud of one's country or if you like, patriotic, if it delivers the goods, which is general welfare (including security) based on justice, for that is the ultimate goal of the establishment of a nation-state.
The sacrosanct Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia and even national unity, serve only as intermediate goals, and therefore just a means to achieving the ideal of general welfare based on justice. Neither is an end in itself. National pride or patriotism can never be promoted or nourished by the waving of the red-and-white national flag, or playing the national anthem and other nationalistic songs, fiery speeches and public ceremonies.
Nationalism or patriotism cannot be expected when citizens suffer from poverty, injustice, and a feeling of insecurity. To be a citizen of a nation-state is not necessarily one's own choice, we become a citizen by birth in most cases.
Still, if one feels dissatisfied with one's country because it fails to deliver the goods, then it is a person's right to leave, as long as there is another state willing to accept him or her whether through visa, green cards, asylum, etc. The reasons for leaving may include some form of injustice or discrimination, or a violation of one's fundamental human rights, whether they be religious, ethnic, racial, or political in nature.
In fact, what the Australian government has done for those Papuans was a humanitarian gesture. And humanity is of higher value than nationalism or patriotism. Indeed, nationalism in our Constitution is also to be understood in the context of humanism or humanity.
Under the present government, which has tended to pamper the rich and the elite but to trample on the poor and the downtrodden, such a feeling of injustice and insecurity is rampant among the common people everywhere, even in the country's capital and other big cities where people tend to take the law into their own hands. The government has not necessarily engaged in gross violations of human rights, but in many cases it tolerates violations of human rights by violent masses, which are no part of the state's security apparatus.
Indeed, geographic proximity does not guarantee easy relations between neighboring countries. On the contrary, it may be a hindrance to good and friendly relations. It tends to give rise to undue expectations. Consciously or otherwise, Indonesians tend to expect Australia to understand Indonesia better than the United States and, therefore, to be more tolerant and less critical toward Indonesia.
Geographic proximity also tends to create certain perceptions. Because of its sheer size in terms of its territory and population, Indonesia is often perceived by Australians as a potential security threat. Officially, Indonesia often expresses its resentment, although at the same time such a perception may be a way of massaging its own ego.
It is comforting that the government has not been encouraged by emotional suggestions to sever diplomatic relations with Australia. Not only would it make it even harder to seek amicable mutual understanding. It would be even harder to restore relations later. Even the summoning of our envoy from Canberra has certainly reduced the chances of cordial communications. It may even be embarrassing to send him back to his post immediately.
As neither side would like to see a further worsening of relations, it would be wise for both sides to cool down, to start normal and orderly diplomatic communications for the sake of mutual understanding, a speedy solution, and the return to normal and friendly relations. Too much is at stake, and neither side will benefit from the continued tension between the two neighbors.
Taken from The Jakarta Post
Downer plays down Yudhoyono comments
Monday Apr 3 21:04 AEST
Foreign Minister Alexander Downer has played down the implications of calls by Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono for a review of its dealings with Australia.
In a televised national press conference, Yudhoyono on Monday declared that bilateral relations had hit a "difficult phase" and he suggested a review of agreements, such as those on people-smuggling.
He warned that "obscene and destructive" cartoons over Australia's granting of protection visas to 42 Papuan asylum seekers risked sparking the sort of violence whipped up by caricatures of the Prophet Mohammed.
Yudhoyono, who has already recalled his ambassador from Canberra in protest, criticised Australia's decision.
He said both sides needed "serious and intensive diplomatic meetings to review a strategic and comprehensive framework for cooperation and friendship between Indonesia and Australia for now and for the future".
"We should review again the various agreements we have agreed on, for example, cooperation in the field of illegal migration," he said.
Prime Minister John Howard has pressed Indonesia hard in recent years to stop mostly Afghan and Iraqi asylum seekers from using the country as a stepping stone to Australia.
But Yudhoyono said Indonesia would not tolerate support for Papuan separatism in Australia or anywhere else.
Mr Downer on Monday night played down the implications of the Indonesian leader's remarks.
He said cooperation between Australia and Indonesia over people smuggling remained intact.
"We're very supportive of what he has to say about the situation of our bilateral relationship," a spokesman for Mr Downer said.
"We have ongoing cooperation against people-smuggling," he said.
"It's absolutely not in jeopardy."
The spokesman said Yudhoyono's remarks made cooperation between the two nations even more important.
"His remarks today underscore how important it is for us to continue our cooperation."
Taken from Ninemsn News
Foreign Minister Alexander Downer has played down the implications of calls by Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono for a review of its dealings with Australia.
In a televised national press conference, Yudhoyono on Monday declared that bilateral relations had hit a "difficult phase" and he suggested a review of agreements, such as those on people-smuggling.
He warned that "obscene and destructive" cartoons over Australia's granting of protection visas to 42 Papuan asylum seekers risked sparking the sort of violence whipped up by caricatures of the Prophet Mohammed.
Yudhoyono, who has already recalled his ambassador from Canberra in protest, criticised Australia's decision.
He said both sides needed "serious and intensive diplomatic meetings to review a strategic and comprehensive framework for cooperation and friendship between Indonesia and Australia for now and for the future".
"We should review again the various agreements we have agreed on, for example, cooperation in the field of illegal migration," he said.
Prime Minister John Howard has pressed Indonesia hard in recent years to stop mostly Afghan and Iraqi asylum seekers from using the country as a stepping stone to Australia.
But Yudhoyono said Indonesia would not tolerate support for Papuan separatism in Australia or anywhere else.
Mr Downer on Monday night played down the implications of the Indonesian leader's remarks.
He said cooperation between Australia and Indonesia over people smuggling remained intact.
"We're very supportive of what he has to say about the situation of our bilateral relationship," a spokesman for Mr Downer said.
"We have ongoing cooperation against people-smuggling," he said.
"It's absolutely not in jeopardy."
The spokesman said Yudhoyono's remarks made cooperation between the two nations even more important.
"His remarks today underscore how important it is for us to continue our cooperation."
Taken from Ninemsn News
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